Nominals in the Proto-Indo-European language (PIE) include nouns, adjectives and pronouns. Their grammatical forms and meanings have been reconstructed by modern linguists based on similarities found across all Indo-European languages. This article discusses nouns and adjectives, while Proto-Indo-European pronouns are treated elsewhere.
PIE had eight or nine cases, three numbers (singular, dual and plural), and probably originally two genders (animate and neuter), with the animate later splitting into the masculine and the feminine. The nominals fell into multiple different declensions. Most of them had word stems ending in a consonant (so-called athematic stems) and exhibited a complex pattern of accent shifts and/or vowel changes (ablaut) between the different cases. Two declensions ended in a vowel (*-o/e-[note 1]) and are called thematic; these were more regular and became more common during the history of PIE and its older daughter languages.
PIE very frequently derived nominals from verbs. Just as English giver and gift are ultimately related to the verb give, *déh₃tors 'giver' and *déh₃om 'gift' are derived from *deh₃- 'to give'; only this practice was much more common in PIE. For example, *pṓds 'foot' was derived from *ped- 'to tread', and *dómh₂s 'house' from *demh₂- 'to build'.
- 1 Morphology
- 2 Grammatical categories
- 3 Athematic accent/ablaut classes
- 4 Heteroclitic stems
- 5 Derivation
- 6 Adjectives
- 7 Example declensions
- 8 References
The basic structure of Proto-Indo-European nouns and adjectives was the same as that of PIE verbs. A lexical word (as would appear in a dictionary) was formed by adding a suffix (S) onto a root (R) to form a stem. The word was then inflected by adding an ending (E) to the stem. The root indicates a basic concept, often a verb (e.g. *deh₃- 'give'), while the stem carries a more specific nominal meaning based on the combination of root and suffix (e.g. *déh₃-tor- 'giver', *déh₃-o- 'gift'). Some roots seem to have no definable meaning, as in *ph₂-ter- 'father'; and some stems cannot clearly be broken up into root and suffix altogether, as in *h₂r̥tḱo- 'bear'. The ending carries grammatical information, including case, number, and gender. Gender is an inherent property of a noun but is part of the inflection of an adjective, because it must agree with the gender of the noun it modifies.
Thus, the general morphological form of such words is R+S+E:
The process of forming a lexical stem from a root is known in general as derivational morphology, while the process of inflecting that stem is known as inflectional morphology. As in other languages, the possible suffixes that can be added to a given root, and the meaning that results, are not entirely predictable, while the process of inflection is largely predictable in both form and meaning.
Originally, extensive ablaut (vowel variation, between *e, *o, *ē, *ō and Ø, i.e. no vowel) occurred in PIE, in both derivation and inflection and in the root, suffix, and ending. Variation in the position of the accent likewise occurred in both derivation and inflection, and is often considered part of the ablaut system (which is described in more detail below). For example, the nominative form *léymons 'lake' (composed of the root *ley- in the ablaut form *léy-, the suffix in the form *-mon- and the ending in the form *-s) had the genitive *limnés (root form *li-,[note 2] suffix *-mn- and ending *-és). In this word, the nominative has the ablaut vowels *é–o–Ø while the genitive has the ablaut vowels *Ø–Ø–é — i.e. all three components have different ablaut vowels, and the stress position has also moved. A large number of different patterns of ablaut variation existed; speakers had to both learn the ablaut patterns and memorize which pattern went with which word. There was a certain regularity of which patterns occurred with which suffixes and formations, but with many exceptions.
Already by late PIE times, this system was extensively simplified, and daughter languages show a steady trend towards more and more regularization and simplification. Far more simplification occurred in the late PIE nominal system than in the verbal system, where the original PIE ablaut variations were maintained essentially intact well into the recorded history of conservative daughter languages such as Sanskrit and Ancient Greek, as well as in the Germanic languages (in the form of strong verbs).
PIE also had a class of monosyllabic root nouns which lack a suffix, the ending being directly added to the root (as in *dómh₂-s 'house', derived from *demh₂- 'build'). These nouns can also be interpreted as having a zero suffix or one without a phonetic body (*dóm-Ø-s).
Not all nominals fit the basic R+S+E pattern. Some were formed with additional prefixes. An example is *ni-sd-ó-s 'nest', derived from the verbal root *sed- 'sit' by adding a local prefix and thus meaning "where [the bird] sits" or the like.
A special kind of prefixation, called reduplication, uses the first part of the root plus a vowel as a prefix. For example, *kʷelh₁- 'turn' gives *kʷe-kʷl(h₁)-ó-s 'wheel', and *bʰrew- 'brown' gives *bʰé-bʰru-s 'beaver'. This type of derivation is also found in verbs, mainly to form the perfect.
As with PIE verbs, a distinction is made between primary formations, i.e. words formed directly from a root as described above, and secondary formations, which are formed from existing words (whether primary or secondary themselves).
Athematic and thematic nominals
A fundamental distinction is made between thematic and athematic nominals. The stem of athematic nominals ends in a consonant. They have the original complex system of accent/ablaut alterations described above and are generally held as more archaic. Thematic nominals, which became more and more common during the times of later PIE and its older daughter languages, have a stem ending in a thematic vowel, *-o- in almost all grammatical cases, sometimes ablauting to *-e-. Since all roots end in a consonant, all thematic nominals have suffixes ending in a vowel, and none are root nouns. The accent is fixed on the same syllable throughout the inflection.
From the perspective of the daughter languages, a distinction is often made between vowel stems (that is, stems ending in a vowel: i-, u-, (y)ā-, (y)o-stems) and consonantic stems (the rest). However, from the PIE perspective, only the thematic (o-)stems are truly vocalic. Stems ending in *i or *u such as *men-ti- are consonantic (i.e. athematic) because the *i is just the vocalic form of the glide *y, the full grade of the suffix being *-tey-.[note 2] Post-PIE ā was actually *eh₂ in PIE.
Among the most common athematic stems are root stems, i-stems, u-stems, eh₂-stems, n-stems, nt-stems, r-stems and s-stems. Within each of these, numerous subclasses with their own inflectional peculiarities developed by late PIE times.
PIE nouns and adjectives (as well as pronouns) are subject to the system of PIE nominal inflection with eight or nine cases: nominative, accusative, vocative, genitive, dative, instrumental, ablative, locative, and possibly a directive or allative. The so-called strong or direct cases are the nominative and the vocative for all numbers, and the accusative case for singular and dual (and possibly plural as well), and the rest are the weak or oblique cases. This classification is relevant for inflecting the athematic nominals of different accent/ablaut classes.
Three numbers were distinguished: singular, dual and plural. Many (possibly all) athematic neuter nouns had a special collective form instead of the plural, which inflected with singular endings, but with the ending *-h₂ in the direct cases, and an amphikinetic accent/ablaut pattern (see below).
Late PIE had three genders: masculine, feminine and neuter. Gender is an inherent (lexical) property of each noun; some nouns are marked for multiple genders. Originally, there probably were only an animate (masculine/feminine) and an inanimate (neuter) gender. This view is supported by the existence of certain classes of Latin and Ancient Greek adjectives which inflect only for two sets of endings: one for masculine and feminine, the other for neuter. Further evidence comes from the Anatolian languages such as Hittite which exhibit only the animate and the neuter genders. The feminine ending is thought to have developed from a collective/abstract suffix *-h₂ that also gave rise to the neuter collective. The existence of combined collective and abstract grammatical forms can be seen in English words such as youth = "the young people (collective)" or "young age (abstract)".
Remnants of this period exist in (e.g.) the eh₂-stems, ih₂-stems, uh₂-stems and bare h₂-stems, which are found in daughter languages as ā-, ī-, ū- and a-stems, respectively. They originally were the feminine equivalents of the o-stems, i-stems, u-stems and root nouns. Already by late PIE times, however, this system was breaking down. *-eh₂ became generalized as the feminine suffix, and eh₂-stem nouns evolved more and more in the direction of thematic o-stems, with fixed ablaut and accent, increasingly idiosyncratic endings and frequent borrowing of endings from the o-stems. Nonetheless, clear traces of the earlier system are seen especially in Sanskrit, where ī-stems and ū-stems still exist as distinct classes comprising largely feminine nouns. Over time, these stem classes merged with i-stems and u-stems, with frequent crossover of endings.
Grammatical gender correlates to some degree with sex, but not perfectly: masculine nouns are usually used to refer to adult males, feminine nouns for adult females, but diminutives are neuter regardless of referent in both Greek and Germanic. Gender may have had a grammatical function, in that a change of gender within a sentence signaled the end of a noun phrase (a head noun and its agreeing adjectives) and the start of a new one.
An alternative hypothesis to the two-gender view is that Proto-Anatolian inherited a three-gender PIE system, and subsequently Hittite and other Anatolian languages eliminated the feminine by merging it with the masculine.
Not all authors reconstruct the same sets of endings. Some endings are difficult to reconstruct. For example, the original form of the genitive plural is a particular thorny issue, because different daughter languages appear to reflect different proto-forms. It is variously reconstructed as *-ōm, *-om, *-oHom, etc. Meanwhile, the dual endings of cases other than the merged nominative/vocative/accusative are often considered impossible to reconstruct because these endings are attested sparsely and diverge radically in different languages.
The following shows three modern mainstream reconstructions. Sihler (1995) remains closest to the data, often reconstructing multiple forms when daughter languages show divergent outcomes. Ringe (2006) is somewhat more speculative, willing to assume analogical changes in some cases to explain divergent outcomes from a single source form. Fortson (2004) is between Sihler and Ringe.
The thematic vowel *-o- ablauts to *-e- only in word-final position in the vocative singular, and before *h₂ in the neuter nominative and accusative plural. The vocative singular is also the only case for which the thematic nouns show accent retraction, a leftward shift of the accent, denoted by *-ĕ.
|Singular||nominative||*-s ~ *-Ø||*-s||*-o-s|
|instrumental||*-bʰi ~ *-mi ~ *-(e)h₁||*-é-h₁ ~ *-h₁||*-h₁||*-o-h₁ ~ *-e-h₁||*-o-h₁ >[note 3] *-ō|
|dative||*-ey||*-ōy||*-o-ey > *-ōy|
|ablative||*-s ~ *-os ~ *-es||*-s||*-ōt, *-āt||*-o-ad||*-o(h₂)at > *-ōt|
|genitive||*-ī, *-osyo||*-o-syo (?)||*-o-s (?)|
|locative||*-i, *-Ø§||*-o-y ~ *-e-y||(**-e →) *-e-y||*-o-y|
|Dual||nom./voc./acc.||*-h₁e ~ *-h₁||*-h₁e||*-h₁||*-o-h₁ ~ *-o-(h₁)e||*-o-h₁ > *-ō|
|gen./loc.||?||*-ows (?)||?||*-eyows ~ *-oyows (?)||?||?|
|*-o-es > *-ōs|
|nom./voc./acc. neuter||*-h₂||*-h₂ ~ *-Ø||*-h₂||*-e-h₂ > *-ā|
|instrumental||*-bʰis ~ *-mis ~ *-mīs||*-bʰí||*-bʰ-†||*-ōys ~ *-o-mis (?) ~ *-o-mīs (?)||*-ōys||*-o(i)bʰ-†|
|dat./abl.||*-bʰos ~ -mos||*-mos||*-o-bʰos ~ o-mos||*-o-mos (*-o-y-mos?)|
†The dative, instrumental and ablative plural endings probably contained a *bʰ but are of uncertain structure otherwise. They might also have been of post-PIE date.
§For athematic nouns, an endingless locative is reconstructed in addition to the ordinary locative singular in *-i. In contrast to the other weak cases, it typically has full or lengthened grade of the stem.
Alternative reconstruction is found in Beekes (1995). This reconstruction does not give separate tables for the thematic and athematic endings, assuming that they were originally the same and only differentiated in daughter languages.
|Nominative||*-s, *-Ø||*-m, *-Ø||*-es||*-h₂, *-Ø|
Athematic accent/ablaut classes
There is general a consensus as to which nominal accent-ablaut patterns must be reconstructed for Proto-Indo-European. Given that the foundations for this system were laid by a group of scholars (Schindler, Eichner, Rix, and Hoffmann) during the 1964 Erlanger Kolloquium that discussed the works of Pedersen and Kuiper on nominal accent-ablaut patterns in PIE, this system is sometimes referred to as the Erlangen model.
Early PIE nouns showed complex patterns of ablaut, where the root, stem and ending all showed ablaut variations. Polysyllabic athematic nominals (type R+S+E) exhibit four characteristic patterns that include accent and ablaut alternations throughout the paradigm between the root, the stem and the ending: acrostatic (Ancient Greek statikos 'holding still', akros 'beginning', i.e. "stationary on the root"), proterokinetic (kinetikos 'moving', proteros 'before', i.e. "mobile, towards the front"), hysterokinetic (hysteros 'later', i.e. "mobile, towards the back"), amphikinetic (amphis 'on both sides', i.e. "mobile, towards both sides"). Root nouns (type R+E) show similar behaviour, but with only two patterns.
The patterns labelled "Narten" are, at least formally, analogous to the Narten presents in verbs, in that they alternate between full (*e) and lengthened grades (*ē).
|Acrostatic (or acrodynamic)||normal||strong||ó||Ø||Ø||nom. sg. *nókʷ-t-s||night|
|weak||é||Ø||Ø||gen. sg. *nékʷ-t-s|
|strong||ḗ||Ø||Ø||nom. sg. *mḗh₁-n̥s||moon|
|weak||é||Ø||Ø||gen. sg. *méh₁-n̥s-os|
|Proterokinetic (or proterodynamic)||Normal||strong||é||Ø||Ø||nom. sg. *mén-ti-s||thought|
|weak||Ø||é||Ø||gen. sg. *mn̥-téy-s|
|old acrostatic||strong||ó||Ø||Ø||nom. sg. *dór-u||tree|
|weak||Ø||é||Ø||gen. sg. *dr-éw-s|
|Hysterokinetic (or hysterodynamic)||strong||Ø||é||Ø||nom. sg. *ph₂-tḗr <[note 3] *ph₂-tér-s[note 4]||father|
|weak||Ø||Ø||é||gen. sg. *ph₂-tr-és|
|loc. sg.||Ø||é||Ø||loc. sg. *ph₂-tér-(i)|
|Amphikinetic (or amphidynamic)||strong||é||o||Ø||nom. sg. *léy-mō < *léy-mon-s||lake|
|weak||Ø||Ø||é||gen. sg. *li-mn-és|
|loc. sg.||Ø||é||Ø||loc. sg. *li-mén-(i)|
|Acrostatic||normal||strong||ó||Ø||nom. sg. *dṓm < *dómh₂-s[note 4]||house|
|weak||é||Ø||gen. sg. *dém-s|
|strong||ḗ||Ø||nom. sg. *mḗms||meat|
|weak||é||Ø||gen. sg. *méms-os?|
|Amphikinetic(?)||strong||é||Ø||nom. sg. *wréh₂d-s||root|
|weak||Ø||é||gen. sg. *wr̥h₂d-és|
|loc. sg.||é||Ø||loc. sg. *wréh₂d-(i)|
- In the strong cases of proterokinetic nominals, the accent is placed on the penultimate syllable of the stem. When there is only one suffix, the root will be the penultimate syllable; when there is more than one suffix, the penultimate syllable will be a suffix, and the root will appear unaccented and in the zero grade.
- There is an unexpected o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases of polysyllabic amphikinetic nominals. Another unusual property of this class is the locative singular having a stressed e-grade suffix.
The classification of the amphikinetic root nouns is disputed. Since these words have no suffix, they differ from the amphikinetic polysyllables in the strong cases (no o-grade) and in the locative singular (no e-grade suffix). Some scholars prefer to call these nouns amphikinetic and the corresponding polysyllables holokinetic (or holodynamic, from holos = whole).
Some also list mesostatic (meso = middle) and teleutostatic types, with the accent fixed on the suffix and the ending, respectively, but their existence in PIE is disputed. The classes can then be grouped into three static (acrostatic, mesostatic, teleutostatic) and three or four mobile (proterokinetic, hysterokinetic, amphikinetic, holokinetic) paradigms.
By late PIE, the above system was already significantly eroded, with one of the root ablaut grades tending to be extended throughout the paradigm. Erosion is much more extensive in all the daughter languages, with only the oldest stages of most languages showing any root ablaut, and typically only in a small number of irregular nouns. Examples are:
- Vedic Sanskrit dā́ru 'wood', gen. drṓs < PIE *dóru, *dreus
- Old Irish ben 'woman', gen. mná < PIE *gʷén-eh₂, *gʷn-eh₂-s
- Old Avestan zyā̊ 'winter', gen. zimō < PIE *ǵʰyems, *ǵʰimós
- Ancient Greek Zdeús 'Zeus', gen. Di(w)ós, Vedic Sanskrit d(i)yāúḥ 'heaven', gen. diváḥ, dyōḥ, both < PIE *dyēus, *déiwos 'sky, day, god'
- Proto-Germanic reconstructed *tan(þ)s 'tooth' gen. *tundiz < PIE *Hdónts, *Hdn̥tés, with the nominative stem preserved in Old Norse tǫnn, Old Saxon tand, Old English tōþ, and the genitive stem in Gothic tundus.
The most extensive remains are in Vedic Sanskrit and Old Avestan (the oldest recorded stages of oldest Indic and Iranian languages, c. 1300-1700 BC); younger stages of the same languages already show extensive regularization.
In many cases, a former ablauting paradigm was generalized in the daughter languages, but in different ways. For example, Ancient Greek dóru 'spear' < PIE nominative *dóru 'wood, tree' and Old English trēo 'tree' < PIE genitive *dreu-s reflect different stems of a PIE ablauting paradigm PIE *dóru, *dreus, PIE nominative *dóru and genitive *dreu-s, which is still reflected directly in Vedic Sanskrit nom. dā́ru 'wood', gen. drṓs. We can similarly reconstruct PIE *ǵónu, *ǵnéus 'knee' from Ancient Greek gónu and Old English knēo. In this case we don't have an extant ablauting paradigm in a single language, although we have Avestan accusative žnūm and Modern Persian zānū, which strongly implies that Proto-Iranian had an ablauting paradigm (and quite possibly Avestan also; we can't tell because the nominative is not extant). We can also clearly reconstruct an ablauting paradigm *pōds, *ped- 'foot' based on Greek pous gen. podós (< *pō(d)s, *pod-) vs. Latin pēs gen. pedis (< *ped-) vs. Old English fōt (< *pōd-), with differing ablaut grades among cognate forms in different languages.
In some cases we would expect ablaut based on the form (given numerous other examples of ablauting nouns of the same form), but a single ablaut variant is found throughout the paradigm. In such cases it is often assumed that the noun did show ablaut in early PIE, but was generalized to a single form already in late PIE or shortly afterwards. An example is Greek génus 'chin, jaw', Sanskrit hánus 'jaw', Latin gena 'cheek', Gothic kinnus 'cheek'. All except the Latin form suggest a masculine u-stem with non-ablauting PIE root *ǵen-, but certain irregularities (the position of the accent, the unexpected feminine ā-stem form in Latin, the unexpected Gothic stem kinn- < ǵenw-, the ablaut found in Greek gnáthos 'jaw' < PIE *ǵnHdʰ-, Lithuanian žándas 'jawbone' < *ǵonHdʰ-os) suggest an original ablauting neuter noun *ǵénu, *ǵnéus in early PIE, generalizing the nominative ablaut already in late PIE and switching to the masculine u-stem in the post-PIE period. Another example is *nokʷts 'night', where an acrostatic root paradigm might be expected based on the form, but the consistent stem *nokʷt- is found throughout the family. With the discovery of Hittite, however, the form /nekʷts/ 'in the evening' was found, evidently a genitive and indicating that early PIE did indeed have an acrostatic paradigm, smoothed out already in late PIE but still incomplete at the time of the separation of Hittite.
Kuiper's student Beekes, together with his colleague Kortlandt, developed an alternative model on the basis of Pedersen's and Kuiper's works, described in detail in Beekes (1985). Since the scholars who developed it and generally accept it are mostly from the University of Leiden, it is generally dubbed Leiden model. According to Leiden model, for earlier PIE we have to reconstruct three accent types of inflection of consonant stems, from which all of the attested types can be derived. These are:
For root nouns accentuation could have been either static or mobile:
|Case||Static root nouns||Mobile root nouns|
The thematic stem type was a recent innovation, with a thematic vowel *-o- originating from the hysterodynamic genitive singular form of athematic inflection, which originally in pre-PIE had the function of ergative. This is the reason why there are o-stems but no e-stems, and is also one of the suggested reasons why thematic nouns show no ablaut or accentual mobility in inflection (for other theories on the origin of thematic vowel see Thematic vowel: Origin in nouns). The general points of departure to the Erlangen model are:
- both models share (acro)static and proterodynamic patterns
- hysterokinetic and amphikinetic patterns are only reconstructed in the Erlangen model
- hysterodynamic model only exists in Leiden model, and represents an earlier stage of the hysterokinetic and amphikinetic patterns of the Erlangen model. Reconstruction of this paradigm is not based solely on internal reconstruction – it is synchronically still attested in the Hittite paradigm of the word for "hand": keššar, kiššeran, kišraš. This makes it one of the most archaic paradigms within PIE.
- Leiden model describes a stage that is relatively older than the Erlangen model, representing Early PIE.
- in Leiden model there is a one to one correlation between the presence of the full grade vowel and the position of the accent, which indicates a historical connection between the two. At the stage when Leiden model was functional there was only one phonemic vowel, *e, which is always accented, and the new vowel *o, which is always unaccented, was in a complementary distribution.
Some athematic noun stems have different final consonants in different cases; these are termed heteroclitic stems. Most of these stems end in *-r- in the nominative and accusative singular, and in *-n- in the other cases. An example of such r/n-stems is the acrostatic neuter *wód-r̥ 'water', genitive *wéd-n̥-s. The suffixes *-mer/n-, *-ser/n-, *-ter/n- and *-wer/n- are also attested, as in the probably proterokinetic *péh₂-wr̥ 'fire', genitive *ph₂-wén-s or similar. An l/n-stem is *séh₂-wl̥ or *seh₂-wōl 'sun', genitive *sh₂-wén-s or the like.
PIE had a number of ways to derive nominals from verbs or from other nominals. These included
- simply adding a nominal ending to a verbal root, e.g. *dómh₂s 'house' from *demh₂- 'build',
- accent/ablaut alternations of existing nominals,
- derivational prefixes (including reduplication) and suffixes added to verbal roots or nominal stems,
- and combining lexical morphemes (compounding).
From athematic nouns, derivatives could be created by shifting the accent to the right and thus switching to another accent/ablaut class: acrostatic to proterokinetic or amphikinetic, proterokinetic to amphikinetic or hysterokinetic, etc. Such derivations signified "possessing, associated with". An example is proterokinetic *bʰléǵʰ-mn̥, *bʰl̥ǵʰ-mén-s 'sacred formulation' (Vedic bráhmaṇ-), from which amphikinetic *bʰléǵʰ-mō(n), *bʰl̥ǵʰ-mn-es 'priest' (Vedic brahmáṇ-) was derived.
Thematic nominals could also be derived by accent or ablaut changes. Leftward shift of the accent could turn an agentive word into a resultative one, e.g. *tomós 'sharp', but *tómos 'a slice' (from *tem- 'to cut'); *bʰorós 'carrier', but *bʰóros 'burden' (from *bʰer- 'carry'). A special type of ablaut alternation was vṛddhi derivation, which typically lengthened a vowel, signifying "of, belonging to, descended from".
PIE had a number of possibilities to compound nouns. Endocentric or determinative compounds denote subclasses of their head (usually the second part), as in English "smalltalk" or "blackbird". Exocentric or possessive compounds, usually called bahuvrihis, denote something possessing something, as in "Flatfoot = [somebody] having flat feet" or "redthroat = [a bird] with a red throat". This type was much more common in old Indo-European languages; some doubt the existence of determiative compounds in PIE altogether. Compounds consisting of a nominal plus a verb (akin to English "cowherd") were common; those of a verb plus a nominal ("pickpocket"), less so. Other parts of speech also occurred as first part of compounds, such as prepositions, numerals (*tri- from *tréyes 'three'), other particles (*n̥-, zero grade of *ne 'not', seen in English "un-", Latin "in-", Greek "a(n)-", etc.) and adjectives (*drḱ-h₂ḱru 'tear', literally 'bitter-eye').
Adjectives in PIE generally have the same form as nouns, although when paradigms are gender-specific more than one may be combined to form an adjectival paradigm, which must be declined for gender as well as number and case. The main example of this is the o/eh₂-stem adjectives, which have masculine forms following masculine o-stems (*-os), feminine forms following eh₂-stems and neuter forms following neuter o-stems (*-om). u-stem, i-stem, and n-stem adjectives use the corresponding neuter noun variants for their neuter forms, and the animate noun variants for both masculine and feminine.
A number of adjectival roots form part of the Caland system, named after Dutch Indologist Willem Caland, who first formulated part of the system. The cognates derived from these roots in different daughter languages often do not agree in formation, but show certain characteristic properties:[note 5]
- Adjectives are formed using zero-ablaut ro-stems, u-stems or nt-stems: *h₁rudʰ-ro- (zero grade of the root *h₁rewdʰ-) > Ancient Greek eruthrós 'red'; *h₂rǵ-ro- > *argrós > Ancient Greek argós 'white, bright'.
- Adjectives are sometimes formed using i-stems, especially in the first part of a compound: Ancient Greek argi-kéraunos 'with bright lightning'.
- There are often corresponding stative verbs in *-eh₁: *h₁rudʰ-eh₁- > Latin rubēo 'be red'.
The comparative form ("bigger, more beautiful") could be formed by replacing an adjective's suffix with *-yos-; the resulting word is amphikinetic: *meǵ-no- 'big' (Latin magnus) → *méǵ-yos- 'bigger' (Latin maior, maius), weak cases *meǵ-is-. A second suffix, *-tero-, originally expressed contrast, as in Ancient Greek pó-tero-s 'which (of two)' or dexi-teró-s 'right (as opposed to left)'. It later attained comparative function. For example, the meaning of Ancient Greek sophṓteros 'wiser, the wiser one' developed from 'the wise one (of the two)'. English far-ther also contains this suffix.
PIE probably expressed the superlative ("biggest, most beautiful") by adding a genitive plural noun to the adjective. Instead of 'the greatest of the gods', people said 'great of (=among) the gods'. Still, two suffixes have been reconstructed that have superlative meaning in daughter languages: one is *-m̥mo- or *-m̥h₂o-, the other *-isto- or *-isth₂o-, composed of the zero grade of the comparative suffix plus an additional syllable. They are generalisations of the ordinal numbers.
The following are example declensions of a number of different types of nouns, based on the reconstruction of Ringe (2006). The last two declensions, the o-stems, are thematic, all others athematic. Morpheme boundaries (boundaries between root, suffix, and ending) are only given in the nominative singular.
|Acrostatic root noun||Acrostatic lengthened root noun||Amphikinetic(?) root noun||Hysterokinetic r-stem||Amphikinetic n-stem||Hysterokinetic n-stem|
|Gloss||night (f.)||moon (m.)||foot (m.)||father (m.)||lake (m.)||bull (m.) (< "ox")|
|Proterokinetic neuter r/n-stem||Amphikinetic collective neuter r/n-stem||Amphikinetic m-stem||Proterokinetic ti-stem||Proterokinetic tu-stem||Proterokinetic neuter u-stem|
|gloss||water (n.)||water(s) (n.)||earth (f.)||thought (f.)||taste (m.)||tree (n.)|
|Neuter s-stem||Proterokinetic h₂-stem||Hysterokinetic h₂-stem||eh₂-stem (ā-stem)||o-stem||Neuter o-stem|
|Gloss||cloud (n.)||woman (f.) (> "queen")||tongue (f.)||grain (f.)||nest (m.)||work (n.)|
|acc.||*nébʰos||*gʷénh₂m̥||*dn̥ǵʰwéh₂m (-ām)||*dʰoHnéh₂m (-ā́m)||*nisdóm||*wérǵom|
|acc.||*nébʰōs||*gʷénh₂n̥s||*dn̥ǵʰwéh₂ns (-ās)||*dʰoHnéh₂ns (-ās)||*nisdóns||*wérǵeh₂|
- The asterisk * indicates that this form is not directly attested, but has been reconstructed on the basis of other linguistic material.
- *i and *y are actually the same sound; technically speaking, *i is the vocalic allophone of *y. The same applies to the pairs *u/w, *m̥/m, etc. See Proto-Indo-European phonology: Vowels for further information on spelling and syllabification rules for PIE sonorants.
- "<" means comes from; ">" means turns into.
- Actually, only *ph₂tḗr and *dṓm can be reconstructed, but these forms could have developed from the regular ones (*ph₂térs and *dómh₂s, respectively) via Szemerényi's law.
- A comparison of such characteristic properties of derivatives of PIE's *-nt- suffix is available in Lowe (2011).
- Fortson (2004:76f)
- Meier-Brügger, Fritz & Mayrhofer (2003, F 323)
- Fortson (2004:108f)
- Rix & Kümmel (2001:115)
- Fortson (2004:55)
- Fortson (2004:116–118)
- Rix & Kümmel (2001:386f)
- Fortson (2004:110–113)
- Fortson (2004:77f)
- Fortson (2004:113)
- Fortson (2004:102)
- Ringe (2006)
- Mallory, J. P.; Adams, Douglas Q., eds. (1997). "Proto-Indo-European". Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. Taylor & Francis. p. 465.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Fortson (2004:103)
- Mallory (2006:59)
- Luraghi (2009)
- Meier-Brügger, Fritz & Mayrhofer (2003, F 315)
- Fortson (2004:118)
- Woodard (2008)
- Sihler (1995:248)
- Ringe (2006:41)
- Beekes & de Vaan (2011:186)
- Kloekhorst (2013:108)
- Ringe (2006:47)
- Ringe (2006:45)
- Fortson (2004:109f)
- Meier-Brügger, Fritz & Mayrhofer (2003:F 315)
- Fortson (2004:107)
- Ringe (2006:280)
- Kloekhorst (2008:103)
- Beekes & de Vaan (2011:215)
- Beekes & de Vaan (2011:216)
- Kloekhorst (2013:124)
- Kloekhorst (2013:119)
- Wodko, Irslinger & Schneider (2008:540f, 606ff, 706ff)
- Meier-Brügger, Fritz & Mayrhofer (2003, W 207–211)
- Fortson (2004:122f)
- Fortson (2004:91, 121, 123)
- Meier-Brügger, Fritz & Mayrhofer (2003, W 206)
- Wodko, Irslinger & Schneider (2008:468ff)
- Fortson (2004:121f)
- Meier-Brügger, Fritz & Mayrhofer (2003, F 325)
- Ringe (2006:47–50)
- Beekes, Robert S.P.; de Vaan, Michiel (2011). Comparative Indo-European Linguistics: An Introduction (2nd ed.). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. ISBN 978 90 272 1186 6 (PB) / ISBN 978 90 272 1185 9 (HB) (alk. paper) / ISBN 978 90 272 8500 3 (EB).<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Beekes, Robert S.P. (1985). The Origins of the Indo-European Nominal Inflection. Innsbruck. ISBN 3851245784.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Buck, Carl Darling (1933). Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-07931-7.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Fortson, Benjamin W., IV (2004). Indo-European Language and Culture. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 1-4051-0316-7.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Kloekhorst, Alwin (2013). Olander, Thomas; Widmer, Paul; Keydana, Götz, eds. Indo-European nominal ablaut patterns: The Anatolian evidence (PDF). Indo-European Accent and Ablaut. Museum Tusculanum Press. ISBN 978-87-635-4043-8.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Lowe, John J. (2011). Caland Adjectives and Participles in Sanskrit and Proto-Indo-European (PDF). (handout) 23rd Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Luraghi, Silvia (2009). "The origin of the feminine gender in PIE. An old problem in a new perspective" (PDF). In Bubenik, V.; Hewson, J.; Rose, S. Grammatical change in Indo-European languages. John Benjamins. ISBN 9027248214.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Mallory, J.P.; Adams, D.Q. (2006). The Oxford introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European world. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0199296685.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Meier-Brügger, Michael; Fritz, Matthias; Mayrhofer, Manfred (2003). Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin; New York: Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-017433-2.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Ringe, Don (2006). From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-955229-0.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Rix, Helmut; Kümmel, Martin (2001). Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben (in German) (2nd ed.). Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag. ISBN 3-89500-219-4. Unknown parameter
|trans_title=ignored (help) <templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Sihler, Andrew L. (1995). New Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-508345-8.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Whitney, William Dwight (1889). Sanskrit Grammar. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-486-43136-3.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Wodko, Dagmar S.; Irslinger, Britta; Schneider, Carolin (2008). Nomina im Indogermanischen Lexikon (in German). Universitätsverlag Winter. ISBN 978-3-8253-5359-9. Unknown parameter
|trans_title=ignored (help) <templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Woodard, Roger D. (2008). The Ancient Languages of Asia Minor. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 052168496X.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Kloekhorst, Alwin (2008), Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon, Leiden: Brill<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>