Augustine of Hippo

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Augustine of Hippo
Bishop of Hippo Regius
Augustinus 1.jpg
Saint Augustine from a 19th-century engraving
Diocese Hippo Regius
See Hippo Regius
Appointed 395
Installed 396
Term ended 430
Ordination 391
Consecration 395
Personal details
Birth name Aurelius Augustinus
Born (354-11-13)13 November 354
Thagaste, Numidia (modern-day Souk Ahras, Algeria)
Died Script error: The function "death_date_and_age" does not exist.
Hippo Regius, Numidia (modern-day Annaba, Algeria)
Buried San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro, Pavia, Italy
Denomination Roman Catholic
Feast day 28 August (Western Christianity)
15 June (Eastern Christianity)
4 November (Assyrian)
Venerated in All Christianity
Title as Saint Bishop, Philosopher, Theologian, Doctor of the Church
Attributes child; dove; pen; shell, pierced heart, holding book with a small church, bishop's staff, miter
Patronage brewers; printers; theologians
Bridgeport, Connecticut; Cagayan de Oro, Philippines;San Agustin, Isabela;
Shrines San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro, Pavia, Italy

Augustine of Hippo (/ɔːˈɡʌstn/[1] or /ˈɔːɡəstɪn/;[2] Latin: Aurelius Augustinus Hipponensis;[3] 13 November 354 – 28 August 430), also known as Saint Augustine, Saint Austin,[4] or Blessed Augustine,[5] was an early Christian theologian and philosopher[6] whose writings influenced the development of Western Christianity and Western philosophy. He was the bishop of Hippo Regius (modern-day Annaba, Algeria), located in Numidia (Roman province of Africa). He is viewed as one of the most important Church Fathers in Western Christianity for his writings in the Patristic Era. Among his most important works are The City of God and Confessions.

According to his contemporary, Jerome, Augustine "established anew the ancient Faith."[7] In his early years, he was heavily influenced by Manichaeism and afterward by the Neo-Platonism of Plotinus. After his baptism and conversion to Christianity in 387, Augustine developed his own approach to philosophy and theology, accommodating a variety of methods and perspectives.[8] Believing that the grace of Christ was indispensable to human freedom, he helped formulate the doctrine of original sin and made seminal contributions to the development of just war theory.

When the Western Roman Empire began to disintegrate, Augustine developed the concept of the pre-Schism Catholic Church as a spiritual City of God, distinct from the material Earthly City.[9] His thoughts profoundly influenced the medieval worldview. The segment of the Church that adhered to the concept of the Trinity as defined by the Council of Nicaea and the Council of Constantinople[10] closely identified with Augustine's City of God.

In the Catholic Church and the Anglican Communion, he is a saint, a preeminent Doctor of the Church, and the patron of the Augustinians. His memorial is celebrated on 28 August, the day of his death. He is the patron saint of brewers, printers, theologians, the alleviation of sore eyes, and a number of cities and dioceses.[11] Many Protestants, especially Calvinists, consider him to be one of the theological fathers of the Protestant Reformation due to his teachings on salvation and divine grace.

In the East, some of his teachings are disputed and have in the 20th century in particular come under attack by such theologians as Father John Romanides.[12] But other theologians and figures of the Orthodox Church have shown significant appropriation of his writings, chiefly Father Georges Florovsky.[13] The most controversial doctrine surrounding his name is the filioque,[14] which has been rejected by the Orthodox Church.[15] Other disputed teachings include his views on original sin, the doctrine of grace, and predestination.[16] Nevertheless, though considered to be mistaken on some points, he is still considered a saint, and has even had influence on some Eastern Church Fathers, most notably Saint Gregory Palamas.[17] In the Orthodox Church his feast day is celebrated on 28 August [16][18] and carries the title of Blessed.


Childhood and education

The Saint Augustine Taken to School by Saint Monica. by Niccolò di Pietro 1413-15

Augustine was born in 354 in the municipium of Thagaste (now Souk Ahras, Algeria) in Roman Africa.[19][20] His mother, Monica, was a devout Christian; his father Patricius was a Pagan who converted to Christianity on his deathbed.[21] Scholars believe that Augustine's ancestors included Latins, and Phoenicians.[22] He considered himself to be Punic.[23]

Augustine's family name, Aurelius, suggests that his father's ancestors were freedmen of the gens Aurelia given full Roman citizenship by the Edict of Caracalla in 212. Augustine's family had been Roman, from a legal standpoint, for at least a century when he was born.[24] It is assumed that his mother, Monica, was of Berber origin, on the basis of her name,[22][25] but as his family were honestiores, an upper class of citizens known as honorable men, Augustine's first language is likely to have been Latin.[22]

At the age of 11, Augustine was sent to school at Madaurus (now M'Daourouch), a small Numidian city about 19 miles south of Thagaste. There he became familiar with Latin literature, as well as pagan beliefs and practices.[26] His first insight into the nature of sin occurred when he and a number of friends stole fruit they did not want from a neighborhood garden. He tells this story in his autobiography, The Confessions. He remembers that he did not steal the fruit because he was hungry, but because "it was not permitted."[27] His very nature, he says, was flawed. 'It was foul, and I loved it. I loved my own error—not that for which I erred, but the error itself." [27] From this incident he concluded the human person is naturally inclined to sin, and in need of the grace of Christ.

At the age of 17, through the generosity of his fellow citizen Romanianus,[28] Augustine went to Carthage to continue his education in rhetoric. It was while he was a student in Carthage that he read Cicero's dialogue Hortensius (now lost), which he described as leaving a lasting impression and sparking his interest in philosophy.[29] Although raised as a Christian, Augustine left the church to follow the Manichaean religion, much to his mother's despair.[30] As a youth Augustine lived a hedonistic lifestyle for a time, associating with young men who boasted of their sexual exploits. The need to gain their acceptance forced inexperienced boys like Augustine to seek or make up stories about sexual experiences.[31] It was during this period that he uttered his famous prayer, "Grant me chastity and continence, but not yet."[32]

At about the age of 19, Augustine began an affair with a young woman in Carthage. Though his mother wanted him to marry a person of his class, the woman remained his lover[33] for over fifteen years[34] and gave birth to his son Adeodatus,[35] who was viewed as extremely intelligent by his contemporaries. In 385, Augustine ended his relationship with his lover in order to prepare himself to marry a ten year old heiress (He had to wait for two years because the legal age of marriage was twelve. By the time he was able to marry her, however, he instead decided to become a celibate priest).[34][36]

Augustine was from the beginning a brilliant student, with an eager intellectual curiosity, but he never mastered Greek[37] —he tells us that his first Greek teacher was a brutal man who constantly beat his students, and Augustine rebelled and refused to study. By the time he realized that he needed to know Greek, it was too late; and although he acquired a smattering of the language, he was never eloquent with it. However, his mastery of Latin was another matter. He became an expert both in the eloquent use of the language and in the use of clever arguments to make his points.

Teaching rhetoric

Augustine taught grammar at Thagaste during 373 and 374. The following year he moved to Carthage to conduct a school of rhetoric and would remain there for the next nine years.[28] Disturbed by unruly students in Carthage, he moved to establish a school in Rome, where he believed the best and brightest rhetoricians practised, in 383. However, Augustine was disappointed with the apathetic reception. It was the custom for students to pay their fees to the professor on the last day of the term, and many students attended faithfully all term, and then did not pay. Manichaean friends introduced him to the prefect of the City of Rome, Symmachus, who had been asked by the imperial court at Milan[38] to provide a rhetoric professor.

The earliest known portrait of Saint Augustine in a 6th-century fresco, Lateran, Rome.

Augustine won the job and headed north to take his position in late 384. Thirty years old, he had won the most visible academic position in the Latin world at a time when such posts gave ready access to political careers. Although Augustine showed some fervour for Manichaeism, he was never an initiate or "elect", but an "auditor", the lowest level in the sect's hierarchy.[38]

While still at Carthage a disappointing meeting with the Manichaean Bishop, Faustus of Mileve, a key exponent of Manichaean theology, started Augustine's scepticism of Manichaeanism.[38] In Rome, he reportedly turned away from Manichaeanism, embracing the scepticism of the New Academy movement. Because of his education, Augustine had great rhetorical prowess and was very knowledgeable of the philosophies behind many faiths.[39] At Milan, his mother's religiosity, Augustine's own studies in Neoplatonism, and his friend Simplicianus all urged him towards Christianity.[28] Initially Augustine was not strongly influenced by Christianity and its ideologies, but after coming in contact with Ambrose of Milan, Augustine reevaluated himself and was forever changed.

Like Augustine, Ambrose was a master of rhetoric, but older and more experienced.[40] Augustine was very much influenced by Ambrose, even more than by his own mother and others he admired. Augustine arrived in Milan and was immediately taken under the wing by Ambrose. Within Augustine’s work, Confessions, Augustine states, “That man of God received me as a father would, and welcomed my coming as a good bishop should.”[41] Soon, their relationship grew, as Augustine wrote, "And I began to love him, of course, not at the first as a teacher of the truth, for I had entirely despaired of finding that in thy Church—but as a friendly man”.[41] Augustine visited Ambrose in order to see if Ambrose was one of the greatest speakers and rhetoricians in the world. More interested in his speaking skills than the topic of speech, Augustine quickly discovered that Ambrose was a spectacular orator. Eventually, Augustine says that through the unconscious, he was led into the faith of Christianity.[42]

Augustine's mother had followed him to Milan and arranged a marriage for which he abandoned his concubine. Although Augustine accepted this marriage, Augustine was deeply hurt by the loss of his lover. He said, "My mistress being torn from my side as an impediment to my marriage, my heart, which clave to her, was racked, and wounded, and bleeding." Augustine confessed that he was not a lover of wedlock so much as a slave of lust, so he procured another concubine since he had to wait two years until his fiancée came of age. However, his wound was not healed, even began to fester.[43]

There is evidence that Augustine may have considered this former relationship to be equivalent to marriage.[44] In his Confessions, he admitted that the experience eventually produced a decreased sensitivity to pain. Augustine eventually broke off his engagement to his eleven-year-old fiancée, but never renewed his relationship with either of his concubines. Alypius of Thagaste steered Augustine away from marriage, saying that they could not live a life together in the love of wisdom if he married. Augustine looked back years later on the life at Cassiciacum, a villa outside of Milan where he gathered with his followers, and described it as Christianae vitae otium – the Christian life of leisure.[45]

Christian conversion and priesthood

Angelico, Fra. "The Conversion of St. Augustine" (painting). Cite journal requires |journal= (help)<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>

In the summer of 386, at the age of 31, after having heard and been inspired and moved by the story of Ponticianus's and his friends' first reading of the life of Saint Anthony of the Desert, Augustine converted to Christianity. As Augustine later told it, his conversion was prompted by a childlike voice he heard telling him to "take up and read" (Latin: tolle, lege), which he took as a divine command to open the Bible and read the first thing he saw. Augustine read from Paul's Epistle to the Romans – the so-called "Transformation of Believers" section, consisting of chapters 12 through 15 – wherein Paul outlines how the Gospel transforms believers, and the believers' resulting behaviour. The specific part to which Augustine opened his Bible was Romans chapter 13, verses 13 and 14, to wit:

Not in rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and envying, but put on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make no provision for the flesh to fulfill the lusts thereof.[46]

He later wrote an account of his conversion – his very transformation, as Paul described – in his Confessions (Latin: Confessiones), which has since become a classic of Christian theology and a key text in the history of autobiography. This work is an outpouring of thanksgiving and penitence. Although it is written as an account of his life, the Confessions also talks about the nature of time, causality, free will, and other important philosophical topics.[47] The following is taken from that work:

Late have I loved Thee, O Lord; and behold,
Thou wast within and I without, and there I sought Thee.
Thou was with me when I was not with Thee.
Thou didst call, and cry, and burst my deafness.
Thou didst gleam, and glow, and dispell my blindness.
Thou didst touch me, and I burned for Thy peace.
For Thyself Thou hast made us,
And restless our hearts until in Thee they find their ease.
Late have I loved Thee, Thou Beauty ever old and ever new.[47]

Ambrose baptized Augustine, along with his son Adeodatus, on Easter Vigil in 387 in Milan. A year later, in 388, Augustine completed his apology On the Holiness of the Catholic Church.[38] That year, also, Adeodatus and Augustine returned home to Africa.[28] Augustine's mother Monica died at Ostia, Italy, as they prepared to embark for Africa.[48] Upon their arrival, they began a life of aristocratic leisure at Augustine's family's property.[49][50] Soon after, Adeodatus, too, died.[51] Augustine then sold his patrimony and gave the money to the poor. The only thing he kept was the family house, which he converted into a monastic foundation for himself and a group of friends.[28]

In 391 Augustine was ordained a priest in Hippo Regius (now Annaba), in Algeria. He became a famous preacher (more than 350 preserved sermons are believed to be authentic), and was noted for combating the Manichaean religion, to which he had formerly adhered.[38]

In 395 he was made coadjutor Bishop of Hippo, and became full Bishop shortly thereafter,[52] hence the name "Augustine of Hippo"; and he gave his property to the church of Thagaste.[53] He remained in that position until his death in 430. He wrote his autobiographical Confessions in 397-398. His work The City of God was written to console his fellow Christians shortly after the Visigoths had sacked Rome in 410.

Augustine worked tirelessly in trying to convince the people of Hippo to convert to Christianity. Though he had left his monastery, he continued to lead a monastic life in the episcopal residence. He left a regula for his monastery that led to his designation as the "patron saint of regular clergy."[54]

Much of Augustine's later life was recorded by his friend Possidius, bishop of Calama (present-day Guelma, Algeria), in his Sancti Augustini Vita. Possidius admired Augustine as a man of powerful intellect and a stirring orator who took every opportunity to defend Christianity against its detractors. Possidius also described Augustine's personal traits in detail, drawing a portrait of a man who ate sparingly, worked tirelessly, despised gossip, shunned the temptations of the flesh, and exercised prudence in the financial stewardship of his see.[55]

Death and veneration

Saint Augustine of Hippo
Pavia San Pietro Arca Sant'Agostino.JPG
Tomb in San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro Basilica, Pavia.
Bishop, Philosopher, Theologian
Venerated in All Christianity
Major shrine San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro, Pavia, Italy
Feast 28 August (Western Christianity)
15 June (Eastern Christianity)
4 November (Assyrian)
Attributes child; dove; pen; shell, pierced heart, holding book with a small church, bishop's staff, miter
Patronage brewers; printers; theologians
Bridgeport, Connecticut; Cagayan de Oro, Philippines;San Agustin, Isabela;

Shortly before Augustine's death the Vandals, a Germanic tribe that had converted to Arianism, invaded Roman Africa. The Vandals besieged Hippo in the spring of 430, when Augustine entered his final illness. According to Possidius, one of the few miracles attributed to Augustine, the healing of an ill man, took place during the siege.[56] According to Possidius, Augustine spent his final days in prayer and repentance, requesting that the penitential Psalms of David be hung on his walls so that he could read them. He directed that the library of the church in Hippo and all the books therein should be carefully preserved. He died on 28 August 430.[57] Shortly after his death, the Vandals lifted the siege of Hippo, but they returned not long thereafter and burned the city. They destroyed all of it but Augustine's cathedral and library, which they left untouched.[58]

Augustine was canonized by popular acclaim, and later recognized as a Doctor of the Church in 1298 by Pope Boniface VIII.[59] His feast day is 28 August, the day on which he died. He is considered the patron saint of brewers, printers, theologians, sore eyes, and a number of cities and dioceses.[11]


According to Bede's True Martyrology, Augustine's body was later translated or moved to Cagliari, Sardinia, by the Catholic bishops expelled from North Africa by Huneric. Around 720, his remains were transported again by Peter, bishop of Pavia and uncle of the Lombard king Liutprand, to the church of San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro in Pavia, in order to save them from frequent coastal raids by Muslims. In January 1327, Pope John XXII issued the papal bull Veneranda Santorum Patrum, in which he appointed the Augustinians guardians of the tomb of Augustine (called Arca), which was remade in 1362 and elaborately carved with bas-reliefs of scenes from Augustine's life.

In October 1695, some workmen in the Church of San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro in Pavia discovered a marble box containing some human bones (including part of a skull). A dispute arose between the Augustinian hermits (Order of Saint Augustine) and the regular canons (Canons Regular of Saint Augustine) as to whether these were the bones of Augustine. The hermits did not believe so; the canons affirmed that they were. Eventually Pope Benedict XIII (1724–1730) directed the Bishop of Pavia, Monsignor Pertusati, to make a determination. The bishop declared that, in his opinion, the bones were those of Saint Augustine.[60]

The Augustinians were expelled from Pavia in 1700, taking refuge in Milan with the relics of Augustine, and the disassembled Arca, which were removed to the cathedral there. San Pietro fell into disrepair, but was finally rebuilt in the 1870s, under the urging of Agostino Gaetano Riboldi, and reconsecrated in 1896 when the relics of Augustine and the shrine were once again reinstalled.[61][62]


Christian anthropology

Augustine was one of the first Christian ancient Latin authors with a very clear vision of theological anthropology.[63] He saw the human being as a perfect unity of two substances: soul and body. In his late treatise On Care to Be Had for the Dead, section 5 (420 AD) he exhorted to respect the body on the grounds that it belonged to the very nature of the human person.[64] Augustine's favourite figure to describe body-soul unity is marriage: caro tua, coniunx tua — your body is your wife.[65][66][67] Initially, the two elements were in perfect harmony. After the fall of humanity they are now experiencing dramatic combat between one another. They are two categorically different things. The body is a three-dimensional object composed of the four elements, whereas the soul has no spatial dimensions.[68] Soul is a kind of substance, participating in reason, fit for ruling the body.[69] Augustine was not preoccupied, as Plato and Descartes were, with going too much into details in efforts to explain the metaphysics of the soul-body union. It sufficed for him to admit that they are metaphysically distinct: to be a human is to be a composite of soul and body, and the soul is superior to the body. The latter statement is grounded in his hierarchical classification of things into those that merely exist, those that exist and live, and those that exist, live, and have intelligence or reason.[70][71]

Like other Church Fathers such as Athenagoras,[72] Augustine "vigorously condemned the practice of induced abortion", and although he disapproved of an abortion during any stage of pregnancy, he made a distinction between early abortions and later ones.[73] Nevertheless, he accepted the distinction between "formed" and "unformed" fetuses mentioned in the Septuagint translation of Exodus 21:22-23, a text that, he observed, did not classify as murder the abortion of an "unformed" fetus, since it could not be said with certainty that it had already received a soul (see, e.g., De Origine Animae 4.4).[74]


Augustine led many clergy under his authority at Hippo to free their slaves "as an act of piety."[75] He boldly wrote a letter urging the emperor to set up a new law against slave traders and was very much concerned about the sale of children. Christian emperors of his time for 25 years had permitted sale of children, not because they approved of the practice, but as a way of preventing infanticide when parents were unable to care for a child. Augustine noted that the tenant farmers in particular were driven to hire out or to sell their children as a means of survival.[76] In His famous book, The City of God, he presents the development of slavery as a product of sin and as contrary to God's divine plan. He wrote that God "did not intend that this rational creature, who was made in his image, should have dominion over anything but the irrational creation--not man over man, but man over the beasts." Thus he wrote that righteous men in primitive times were made shepherds of cattle, not kings over men. "The condition of slavery is the result of sin," he declared.[77]


Augustine's contemporaries often believed astrology to be an exact and genuine science. Its practitioners were regarded as true men of learning and called mathemathici. Astrology played a prominent part in Manichaean doctrine, and Augustine himself was attracted by their books in his youth, being particularly fascinated by those who claimed to foretell the future. Later, as a bishop, he used to warn that one should avoid astrologers who combine science and horoscopes. (Augustine's term "mathematici", meaning "astrologers", is sometimes mistranslated as "mathematicians".) According to Augustine, they were not genuine students of Hipparchus or Eratosthenes but "common swindlers".[78][79][80][81]


In City of God, Augustine rejected both the immortality of the human race proposed by pagans, and contemporary ideas of ages (such as those of certain Greeks and Egyptians) that differed from the Church's sacred writings.[82] In The Literal Interpretation of Genesis, Augustine took the view that everything in the universe was created simultaneously by God, and not in seven calendar days like a literal account of Genesis would require. He argued that the six-day structure of creation presented in the book of Genesis represents a logical framework, rather than the passage of time in a physical way — it would bear a spiritual, rather than physical, meaning, which is no less literal. One reason for this interpretation is the passage in Sirach 18:1, creavit omnia simul ("He created all things at once"), which Augustine took as proof that the days of Genesis 1 had to be taken non-literally.[83] Augustine also does not envision original sin as causing structural changes in the universe, and even suggests that the bodies of Adam and Eve were already created mortal before the Fall.[84] Apart from his specific views, Augustine recognizes that the interpretation of the creation story is difficult, and remarks that we should be willing to change our mind about it as new information comes up.[85]


St. Augustine by Carlo Crivelli.

Augustine developed his doctrine of the Church principally in reaction to the Donatist sect. He taught that there is one Church, but that within this Church there are two realities, namely, the visible aspect (the institutional hierarchy, the Catholic sacraments, and the laity) and the invisible (the souls of those in the Church, who are either dead, sinful members or elect predestined for Heaven). The former is the institutional body established by Christ on earth which proclaims salvation and administers the sacraments while the latter is the invisible body of the elect, made up of genuine believers from all ages, and who are known only to God. The Church, which is visible and societal, will be made up of "wheat" and "tares", that is, good and wicked people (as per Mat. 13:30), until the end of time. This concept countered the Donatist claim that only those in a state of grace were the "true" or "pure" church on earth, and that priests and bishops who were not in a state of grace had no authority or ability to confect the sacraments.[86]:28 Augustine's ecclesiology was more fully developed in City of God. There he conceives of the church as a heavenly city or kingdom, ruled by love, which will ultimately triumph over all earthly empires which are self-indulgent and ruled by pride. Augustine followed Cyprian in teaching that the bishops and priests of the Church are the successors of the Apostles,[86] and that their authority in the Church is God-given.


Augustine originally believed in premillennialism, namely that Christ would establish a literal 1,000-year kingdom prior to the general resurrection, but later rejected the belief, viewing it as carnal. He was the first theologian to expound a systematic doctrine of amillennialism, although some theologians and Christian historians believe his position was closer to that of modern postmillennialists. The mediaeval Catholic church built its system of eschatology on Augustinian amillennialism, where Christ rules the earth spiritually through his triumphant church.[87] At the Reformation, theologians such as John Calvin accepted amillennialism. Augustine taught that the eternal fate of the soul is determined at death,[88][89] and that purgatorial fires of the intermediate state purify only those that died in communion with the Church. His teaching provided fuel for later theology.[88]

Epistemological views

Epistemological concerns shaped Augustine's intellectual development. His early dialogues [Contra academicos (386) and De Magistro (389)], both written shortly after his conversion to Christianity, reflect his engagement with sceptical arguments and show the development of his doctrine of inner illumination. The doctrine of illumination claims that God plays a part in human perception and understanding by illuminating the mind so that human beings can recognize intelligible realities that God presents. According to Augustine, illumination is obtainable to all rational minds, and is different from other forms of sense perception. It is meant to be an explanation of the conditions required for the mind to have a connection with intelligible entities.[6] Augustine also posed the problem of other minds throughout different works, most famously perhaps in On the Trinity (VIII.6.9), and developed what has come to be a standard solution: the argument from analogy to other minds.[90] In contrast to Plato and other earlier philosophers, Augustine recognized the centrality of testimony to human knowledge and argued that what others tell us can provide knowledge even if we don't have independent reasons to believe their testimonial reports.[91]

Just war

Augustine asserted that Christians should be pacifists as a personal, philosophical stance.[92] However, peacefulness in the face of a grave wrong that could only be stopped by violence would be a sin. Defence of one's self or others could be a necessity, especially when authorized by a legitimate authority. While not breaking down the conditions necessary for war to be just, Augustine coined the phrase in his work The City of God.[93] In essence, the pursuit of peace must include the option of fighting for its long-term preservation.[94] Such a war could not be pre-emptive, but defensive, to restore peace.[95] Thomas Aquinas, centuries later, used the authority of Augustine's arguments in an attempt to define the conditions under which a war could be just.[96][97]


Although Augustine did not develop an independent Mariology, his statements on Mary surpass in number and depth those of other early writers.[98] Even before the Council of Ephesus, he defended the ever Virgin Mary as the Mother of God, who, because of her virginity, is full of grace.[99] Likewise, he affirmed that the Virgin Mary "conceived as virgin, gave birth as virgin and stayed virgin forever".[100]

Natural knowledge and biblical interpretation

Augustine took the view that, if a literal interpretation contradicts science and our God-given reason, the Biblical text should be interpreted metaphorically. While each passage of Scripture has a literal sense, this "literal sense" does not always mean that the Scriptures are mere history; at times they are rather an extended metaphor.[101]

Original sin

Portrait by Philippe de Champaigne, 17th century

Augustine taught that Original sin of Adam and Eve was either an act of foolishness (insipientia) followed by pride and disobedience to God or that pride came first.[102] The first couple disobeyed God, who had told them not to eat of the Tree of the knowledge of good and evil (Gen 2:17).[103] The tree was a symbol of the order of creation.[104] Self-centeredness made Adam and Eve eat of it, thus failing to acknowledge and respect the world as it was created by God, with its hierarchy of beings and values.[105] They would not have fallen into pride and lack of wisdom, if Satan hadn't sown into their senses "the root of evil" (radix Mali).[106] Their nature was wounded by concupiscence or libido, which affected human intelligence and will, as well as affections and desires, including sexual desire.[107] In terms of metaphysics, concupiscence is not a being but bad quality, the privation of good or a wound.[108]

Augustine's understanding of the consequences of the original sin and of necessity of the redeeming grace was developed in the struggle against Pelagius and his Pelagian disciples, Caelestius and Julian of Eclanum,[86] who had been inspired by Rufinus of Syria, a disciple of Theodore of Mopsuestia.[109] They refused to agree that libido wounded human will and mind, insisting that the human nature was given the power to act, to speak, and to think when God created it. Human nature cannot lose its moral capacity for doing good, but a person is free to act or not to act in a righteous way. Pelagius gave an example of eyes: they have capacity for seeing, but a person can make either good or bad use of it.[110] Like Jovinian, Pelagians insisted that human affections and desires were not touched by the fall either. Immorality, e.g. fornication, is exclusively a matter of will, i.e. a person does not use natural desires in a proper way. In opposition to that, Augustine pointed out to the apparent disobedience of the flesh to the spirit, and explained it as one of the results of original sin, punishment of Adam and Eve's disobedience to God.[111]

Augustine had served as a "Hearer" for the Manichaeans for about nine years,[112] who taught that the original sin was carnal knowledge.[113] But his struggle to understand the cause of evil in the world started before that, at the age of nineteen.[114] By malum (evil) he understood most of all concupiscence, which he interpreted as a vice dominating person and causing in men and women moral disorder. A. Trapè insists that Augustine's personal experience cannot be credited for his doctrine about concupiscence. His marriage experience, though Christian marriage celebration was missing, was exemplary, very normal and by no means specifically sad.[115] As J. Brachtendorf showed, Augustine used Ciceronian Stoic concept of passions, to interpret Paul's doctrine of universal sin and redemption.[116]

The view that not only human soul but also senses were influenced by the fall of Adam and Eve was prevalent in Augustine's time among the Fathers of the Church.[117] It is clear that the reason for Augustine's distancing from the affairs of the flesh was different from that of Plotinus, a neo-Platonist[118] who taught that only through disdain for fleshly desire could one reach the ultimate state of mankind.[119] Augustine taught the redemption, i.e. transformation and purification, of the body in the resurrection.[120]

St. Augustine by Peter Paul Rubens

Some authors perceive Augustine's doctrine as directed against human sexuality and attribute his insistence on continence and devotion to God as coming from Augustine's need to reject his own highly sensual nature as described in the Confessions. But in view of his writings it is apparently a misunderstanding.[121] Augustine taught that human sexuality has been wounded, together with the whole of human nature, and requires redemption of Christ. That healing is a process realized in conjugal acts. The virtue of continence is achieved thanks to the grace of the sacrament of Christian marriage, which becomes therefore a remedium concupiscentiae – remedy of concupiscence.[122][123] The redemption of human sexuality will be, however, fully accomplished only in the resurrection of the body.[124]

The sin of Adam is inherited by all human beings. Already in his pre-Pelagian writings, Augustine taught that Original Sin is transmitted to his descendants by concupiscence,[125] which he regarded as the passion of both, soul and body,[126] making humanity a massa damnata (mass of perdition, condemned crowd) and much enfeebling, though not destroying, the freedom of the will.[127]

Augustine's formulation of the doctrine of original sin was confirmed at numerous councils, i.e. Carthage (418), Ephesus (431), Orange (529), Trent (1546) and by popes, i.e. Pope Innocent I (401–417) and Pope Zosimus (417–418). Anselm of Canterbury established in his Cur Deus Homo the definition that was followed by the great 13th century Schoolmen, namely that Original Sin is the "privation of the righteousness which every man ought to possess", thus separating it from concupiscence, with which some of Augustine's disciples had defined it[128][129] as later did Luther and Calvin.[127] In 1567, Pope Pius V condemned the identification of Original Sin with concupiscence.[127]

Augustine taught that some people are predestined by God to salvation by an eternal, sovereign decree which is not based on man's merit or will. The saving grace which God bestows is irresistible and unfailingly results in conversion. God also grants those whom he saves with the gift of perseverance so that none of those whom God has chosen may conceivably fall away.[86]:44[130]

In On Rebuke and Grace (De correptione et gratia), Augustine wrote: "And what is written, that He wills all men to be saved, while yet all men are not saved, may be understood in many ways, some of which I have mentioned in other writings of mine; but here I will say one thing: He wills all men to be saved, is so said that all the predestinated may be understood by it, because every kind of men is among them."[131]

Free will

Included in Augustine's theodicy is the claim that God created humans and angels as rational beings possessing free will. Free will was not intended for sin, meaning it is not equally predisposed to both good and evil. A will defiled by sin is not considered as "free" as it once was because it is bound by material things, which could be lost or be difficult to part with, resulting in unhappiness. Sin impairs free will, while grace restores it. Only a will that was once free can be subjected to sin's corruption.[132]

The Catholic Church considers Augustine's teaching to be consistent with free will.[133] He often said that any can be saved if they wish.[133] While God knows who will and won't be saved, with no possibility for the latter to be saved in their lives, this knowledge represents God's perfect knowledge of how humans will freely choose their destinies.[133]

Sacramental theology

Also in reaction against the Donatists, Augustine developed a distinction between the "regularity" and "validity" of the sacraments. Regular sacraments are performed by clergy of the Catholic Church while sacraments performed by schismatics are considered irregular. Nevertheless, the validity of the sacraments do not depend upon the holiness of the priests who perform them (ex opere operato); therefore, irregular sacraments are still accepted as valid provided they are done in the name of Christ and in the manner prescribed by the Church. On this point Augustine departs from the earlier teaching of Cyprian, who taught that converts from schismatic movements must be re-baptised.[86] Augustine taught that sacraments administered outside the Catholic Church, though true sacraments, avail nothing. However, he also stated that baptism, while it does not confer any grace when done outside the Church, does confer grace as soon as one is received into the Catholic Church.

Augustine upheld the early Christian understanding of the Real Presence of Christ in the Eucharist, saying that Christ's statement, "This is my body" referred to the bread he carried in his hands,[134][135] and that Christians must have faith that the bread and wine are in fact the body and blood of Christ, despite what they see with their eyes.[136]

Against the Pelagians, Augustine strongly stressed the importance of infant baptism. About the question whether baptism is an absolute necessity for salvation, however, Augustine appears to have refined his beliefs during his lifetime, causing some confusion among later theologians about his position. He said in one of his sermons that only the baptized are saved.[137] This belief was shared by many early Christians. However, a passage from his City of God, concerning the Apocalypse, may indicate that Augustine did believe in an exception for children born to Christian parents.[138]

Statements on Jews

Against certain Christian movements, some of which rejected the use of Hebrew Scripture, Augustine countered that God had chosen the Jews as a special people,[139] and he considered the scattering of Jewish people by the Roman Empire to be a fulfillment of prophecy.[140] He rejected homicidal attitudes, quoting part of the same prophecy, namely "Slay them not, lest they should at last forget Thy law" (Psalm 59:11). Augustine, who believed Jewish people would be converted to Christianity at "the end of time," argued that God had allowed them to survive their dispersion as a warning to Christians; as such, he argued, they should be permitted to dwell in Christian lands.[141] The sentiment sometimes attributed to Augustine that Christians should let the Jews "survive but not thrive" (it is repeated by author James Carroll in his book Constantine's Sword, for example)[142][143] is apocryphal and is not found in any of his writings.[144]

Views on sexuality

For Augustine, the evil of sexual immorality was not in the sexual act itself, but rather in the emotions that typically accompany it. In On Christian Doctrine Augustine contrasts love, which is enjoyment on account of God, and lust, which is not on account of God.[145] For Augustine, proper love exercises a denial of selfish pleasure and the subjugation of corporeal desire to God. He wrote that the pious virgins raped during the sack of Rome were innocent because they did not intend to sin.[146][147]

He believed that the serpent approached Eve because she was less rational and lacked self-control, while Adam's choice to eat was viewed as an act of kindness so that Eve would not be left alone.[148] Augustine believed sin entered the world because man (the spirit) did not exercise control over woman (the flesh).[149] Augustine does, however, praise women and their role in society and in the Church. In his Tractates on the Gospel of John, Augustine, commenting on the Samaritan woman from John 4:1–42, uses the woman as a figure of the church.

According to Raming, the authority of the Decretum Gratiani, a collection of Roman Catholic canon law which prohibits women from leading, teaching, or being a witness, rests largely on the views of the early church fathers—one of the most influential being Augustine, the Bishop of Hippo.[150] The laws and traditions founded upon Augustine's views of sexuality and women continue to exercise considerable influence over church doctrinal positions regarding the role of women in the church.[151]

Philosophy of teaching

Augustine is considered an influential figure in the history of education. A work early in Augustine's writings is De Magistro (On the Teacher), which contains insights about education. However, his ideas changed as he found better directions or better ways of expressing his ideas. In the last years of his life Saint Augustine wrote his "Retractationes", reviewing his writings and improving specific texts. Henry Chadwick believes an accurate translation of "retractationes" may be "reconsiderations". Reconsiderations can be seen as an overarching theme of the way Saint Augustine learned. Augustine's understanding of the search for understanding/meaning/truth as a restless journey leaves room for doubt, development and change.[152]

Augustine was a strong advocate of critical thinking skills. Because written works were still rather limited during this time, spoken communication of knowledge was very important. His emphasis on the importance of community as a means of learning distinguishes his pedagogy from some others. Augustine believed that dialogue/dialectic/discussion is the best means for learning, and this method should serve as a model for learning encounters between teachers and students. Saint Augustine’s dialogue writings model the need for lively interactive dialogue among learners.[152]

He recommended adapting educational practices to fit the students' educational backgrounds:

  • the student who has been well-educated by knowledgeable teachers;
  • the student who has had no education; and
  • the student who has had a poor education, but believes himself to be well-educated.

If a student has been well educated in a wide variety of subjects, the teacher must be careful not to repeat what they have already learned, but to challenge the student with material which they do not yet know thoroughly. With the student who has had no education, the teacher must be patient, willing to repeat things until the student understands, and sympathetic. Perhaps the most difficult student, however, is the one with an inferior education who believes he understands something when he does not. Augustine stressed the importance of showing this type of student the difference between "having words and having understanding," and of helping the student to remain humble with his acquisition of knowledge.

A restrained style of teaching ensures the students' full understanding of a concept because the teacher does not bombard the student with too much material; focuses on one topic at a time; helps them discover what they don't understand, rather than moving on too quickly; anticipates questions; and helps them learn to solve difficulties and find solutions to problems.

Augustine believed that students should be given an opportunity to apply learned theories to practical experience. Yet another of Augustine's major contributions to education is his study on the styles of teaching. He claimed there are two basic styles a teacher uses when speaking to the students. The mixed style includes complex and sometimes showy language to help students see the beautiful artistry of the subject they are studying. The grand style is not quite as elegant as the mixed style, but is exciting and heartfelt, with the purpose of igniting the same passion in the students' hearts. Augustine balanced his teaching philosophy with the traditional Bible-based practice of strict discipline.


Saint Augustine painting by Antonio Rodríguez

Augustine was one of the most prolific Latin authors in terms of surviving works, and the list of his works consists of more than one hundred separate titles.[153] They include apologetic works against the heresies of the Arians, Donatists, Manichaeans and Pelagians; texts on Christian doctrine, notably De Doctrina Christiana (On Christian Doctrine); exegetical works such as commentaries on Book of Genesis, the Psalms and Paul's Letter to the Romans; many sermons and letters; and the Retractationes, a review of his earlier works which he wrote near the end of his life. Apart from those, Augustine is probably best known for his Confessions, which is a personal account of his earlier life, and for De civitate Dei (The City of God, consisting of 22 books), which he wrote to restore the confidence of his fellow Christians, which was badly shaken by the sack of Rome by the Visigoths in 410. His On the Trinity, in which he developed what has become known as the 'psychological analogy' of the Trinity, is also among his masterpieces, and arguably one of the greatest theological works of all time. He also wrote On Free Choice Of The Will (De libero arbitrio), addressing why God gives humans free will that can be used for evil.


Saint Augustine Disputing with the Heretics painting by Vergós Group

In both his philosophical and theological reasoning, Augustine was greatly influenced by Stoicism, Platonism and Neo-platonism, particularly by the work of Plotinus, author of the Enneads, probably through the mediation of Porphyry and Victorinus (as Pierre Hadot has argued). Although he later abandoned Neoplatonism, some ideas are still visible in his early writings.[154] His early and influential writing on the human will, a central topic in ethics, would become a focus for later philosophers such as Schopenhauer, Kierkegaard, and Nietzsche. He was also influenced by the works of Virgil (known for his teaching on language), and Cicero (known for his teaching on argument).[6]

In philosophy

Philosopher Bertrand Russell was impressed by Augustine's meditation on the nature of time in the Confessions, comparing it favourably to Kant's version of the view that time is subjective.[155] Catholic theologians generally subscribe to Augustine's belief that God exists outside of time in the "eternal present"; that time only exists within the created universe because only in space is time discernible through motion and change. His meditations on the nature of time are closely linked to his consideration of the human ability of memory. Frances Yates in her 1966 study The Art of Memory argues that a brief passage of the Confessions, 10.8.12, in which Augustine writes of walking up a flight of stairs and entering the vast fields of memory[156] clearly indicates that the ancient Romans were aware of how to use explicit spatial and architectural metaphors as a mnemonic technique for organizing large amounts of information.

Saint Augustine Meditates on the Trinity when the Child Jesus Appears before him by Vergos Group

Augustine's philosophical method, especially demonstrated in his Confessions, had continuing influence on Continental philosophy throughout the 20th century. His descriptive approach to intentionality, memory, and language as these phenomena are experienced within consciousness and time anticipated and inspired the insights of modern phenomenology and hermeneutics.[157] Edmund Husserl writes: "The analysis of time-consciousness is an age-old crux of descriptive psychology and theory of knowledge. The first thinker to be deeply sensitive to the immense difficulties to be found here was Augustine, who laboured almost to despair over this problem."[158] Martin Heidegger refers to Augustine's descriptive philosophy at several junctures in his influential work Being and Time.[159] Hannah Arendt began her philosophical writing with a dissertation on Augustine's concept of love, Der Liebesbegriff bei Augustin (1929): "The young Arendt attempted to show that the philosophical basis for vita socialis in Augustine can be understood as residing in neighbourly love, grounded in his understanding of the common origin of humanity."[160] Jean Bethke Elshtain in Augustine and the Limits of Politics "Augustine did not see evil as glamorously demonic but rather as absence of good, something which paradoxically is really nothing. Arendt ... envisioned even the extreme evil which produced the Holocaust as merely banal [in Eichmann in Jerusalem]."[161] Augustine's philosophical legacy continues to influence contemporary critical theory through the contributions and inheritors of these 20th-century figures. Seen from a historical perspective, there are three main perspectives on the political thought of Augustine: first, political Augustinianism; second, Augustinian political theology; and third, Augustinian political theory.[162]

In theology

Thomas Aquinas was influenced heavily by Augustine. On the topic of original sin, Aquinas proposed a more optimistic view of man than that of Augustine in that his conception leaves to the reason, will, and passions of fallen man their natural powers even after the Fall.[127] Augustine's doctrine of efficacious grace found eloquent expression in the works of Bernard of Clairvaux; also Reformation theologians such as Martin Luther and John Calvin would look back to him as their inspiration. While in his pre-Pelagian writings Augustine taught that Adam's guilt as transmitted to his descendants much enfeebles, though does not destroy, the freedom of their will, Protestant reformers Martin Luther and John Calvin affirmed that Original Sin completely destroyed liberty (see total depravity).[127]

According to Leo Ruickbie, Augustine's arguments against magic, differentiating it from miracle, were crucial in the early Church's fight against paganism and became a central thesis in the later denunciation of witches and witchcraft. According to Professor Deepak Lal, Augustine's vision of the heavenly city has influenced the secular projects and traditions of the Enlightenment, Marxism, Freudianism and Eco-fundamentalism.[163] Post-Marxist philosophers Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt rely heavily on Augustine's thought, particularly The City of God, in their book of political-philosophy "Empire."

Augustine has influenced many modern-day theologians and authors such as John Piper. Hannah Arendt, an influential 20th century political theorist, wrote her doctoral dissertation in philosophy on Augustine, and continued to rely on his thought throughout her career. Ludwig Wittgenstein extensively quotes Augustine in Philosophical Investigations for his approach to language, both admiringly, and as a sparring partner to develop his own ideas, including an extensive opening passage from the Confessions. Contemporary linguists have also argued that Augustine has significantly influenced the thought of Ferdinand de Saussure, who did not 'invent' the modern discipline of semiotics, but rather built upon Aristotelian and neoplatonist knowledge from the Middle Ages, via an Augustinian connection: "as for the constitution of Saussurian semiotic theory, the importance of the Augustinian thought contribution (correlated to the Stoic one) has also been recognized. Saussure did not do anything but reform an ancient theory in Europe, according to the modern conceptual exigencies".[164]

In his autobiographical book Milestones, Pope Benedict XVI, claims Augustine as one of the deepest influences in his thought.

In popular culture

Augustine was played by Dary Berkani in the 1972 television movie Augustine of Hippo. He was also played by Franco Nero in the 2010 mini-series Augustine: The Decline of the Roman Empire and the 2012 feature film Restless Heart: The Confessions of Saint Augustine.[165] The modern day name links to the Agostinelli Family.[166]

Jostein Gaarder's philosophical novel Vita Brevis is presented as a translation of a manuscript written by Augustine's concubine after he became the Bishop of Hippo. Augustine also appears in the novel The Dalkey Archive by Flann O'Brien (the pen name of Irish Author Brian O'Nolan). He is summoned to an underwater cavern by an absurd scientist called De Selby; together they discuss life in Heaven and the characters of other Saints. Walter M. Miller, Jr.'s novel A Canticle for Leibowitz cites Augustine as possibly positing the first version of a theory of evolution.[167]

Bob Dylan recorded a song entitled "I Dreamed I Saw St. Augustine" on his album John Wesley Harding. Pop artist Sting pays an homage of sorts to Augustine's struggles with lust with the song "Saint Augustine in Hell" which appears on the singer's 1993 album Ten Summoner's Tales. Christian rock band Disciple named their fourth track on their 2010 release Horseshoes and Handgrenades after Augustine, called: "The Ballad of St. Augustine". The song "St. Augustine" appears on Girlyman's album, Supernova. American rock band Moe named and referenced Augustine of Hippo in their song entitled, "St. Augustine."

See also



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  78. Van Der Meer, F (1961). Augustine the Bishop. The Life and Work of the Father of the Church. London – Newy York. p. 60.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  79. Bonner, p. 63
  80. Testard, M (1958). Saint Augustin et Cicéron, I. Cicéron dans la formation et l'oeuvre de saint Augustin (in French). Paris: Études Augustiniennes. pp. 100–6.CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  81. Augustine of Hippo, Confessions 5,7,12; 7,6
  82. Augustine of Hippo, Of the Falseness of the History Which Allots Many Thousand Years to the World's Past, The City of God, Book 12: Chapt. 10 [419].
  83. Teske, Roland J (1999). "Genesi ad litteram liber imperfectus, De". In Fitzgerald, Allan D (ed.). Augustine Through the Ages: An Encyclopedia. Wm B Eerdmans. pp. 377–78. ISBN 978-0-8028-3843-8.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  84. On the Merits, 1.2; City of God, 13:1; Enchiridion, 104
  85. Young, Davis A. "The Contemporary Relevance of Augustine's View of Creation", Perspectives on Science and Christian Faith 40.1:42–45 (3/1988). Retrieved 30 September 2011.
  86. 86.0 86.1 86.2 86.3 86.4 Gonzalez, Justo L. (1970–1975). A History of Christian Thought: Volume 2 (From Augustine to the eve of the Reformation). Abingdon Press. ISBN 0687171830.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  87. Blomberg, Craig L. (2006). From Pentecost to Patmos. Apollos. p. 519. ISBN 0805432485.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  88. 88.0 88.1 Cross
  89. Augustine of Hippo, Enchiridion, 110
  90. Matthews, Gareth B. (1992). Thought's ego in Augustine and Descartes. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0801427754.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  91. King, Peter; Nathan Ballantyne (2009). "Augustine on Testimony" (PDF). Canadian Journal of Philosophy. 39 (2): 195. doi:10.1353/cjp.0.0045.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  92. A Time For War? Christianity Today (2001-01-09). Retrieved on 2013-04-28.
  93. Augustine of Hippo. Retrieved on 2013-04-28.
  94. St. Augustine of Hippo, Crusades-Encyclopedia
  95. Saint Augustine and the Theory of Just War. (2007-01-23). Retrieved on 2013-04-28.
  96. The Just War. Retrieved on 2013-04-28.
  97. Gonzalez, Justo L. (1984). The Story of Christianity. San Francisco: Harper. ISBN 006185588X.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  98. O Stegmüller, in Marienkunde, 455
  99. Augustine of Hippo, De Sancta Virginitate, 6,6, 191.
  100. Augustine of Hippo, De Sancta Virginitate, 18
  101. Augustine of Hippo, De Genesi ad literam 1:19–20, Chapt. 19 [408], De Genesi ad literam, 2:9
  102. He explained to Julian of Eclanum that it was a most subtle job to discern what came first: Sed si disputatione subtilissima et elimatissima opus est, ut sciamus utrum primos homines insipientia superbos, an insipientes superbia fecerit. (Contra Julianum, V, 4.18; PL 44, 795)
  103. Augustine of Hippo, On the Literal Meaning of Genesis (De Genesi ad litteram), VIII, 6:12, vol. 1, p. 192-3 and 12:28, vol. 2, p. 219-20, trans. John Hammond Taylor SJ;BA 49,28 and 50–52; PL 34, 377; cf. idem, De Trinitate, XII, 12.17; CCL 50, 371–372 [v. 26–31;1–36]; De natura boni 34–35; CSEL 25, 872; PL 42, 551–572
  104. Augustine of Hippo, On the Literal Meaning of Genesis (De Genesi ad litteram), VIII, 4.8; BA 49, 20
  105. Augustine explained it in this way: "Why therefore is it enjoined upon mind, that it should know itself? I suppose, in order that, it may consider itself, and live according to its own nature; that is, seek to be regulated according to its own nature, viz., under Him to whom it ought to be subject, and above those things to which it is to be preferred; under Him by whom it ought to be ruled, above those things which it ought to rule. For it does many things through vicious desire, as though in forgetfulness of itself. For it sees some things intrinsically excellent, in that more excellent nature which is God: and whereas it ought to remain steadfast that it may enjoy them, it is turned away from Him, by wishing to appropriate those things to itself, and not to be like to Him by His gift, but to be what He is by its own, and it begins to move and slip gradually down into less and less, which it thinks to be more and more." ("On the Trinity" (De Trinitate), 5:7; CCL 50, 320 [1–12])
  106. Augustine of Hippo, Nisi radicem mali humanus tunc reciperet sensus ("Contra Julianum", I, 9.42; PL 44, 670)
  107. In one of Augustine's late works, Retractationes, he made a significant remark indicating the way he understood difference between spiritual, moral libido and the sexual desire: "Libido is not good and righteous use of the libido" ("libido non est bonus et rectus usus libidinis"). See the whole passage: Dixi etiam quodam loco: «Quod enim est cibus ad salutem hominis, hoc est concubitus ad salutem generis, et utrumque non est sine delectatione carnali, quae tamen modificata et temperantia refrenante in usum naturalem redacta, libido esse non potest». Quod ideo dictum est, quoniam "libido non est bonus et rectus usus libidinis". Sicut enim malum est male uti bonis, ita bonum bene uti malis. De qua re alias, maxime contra novos haereticos Pelagianos, diligentius disputavi. Cf. De bono coniugali, 16.18; PL 40, 385; De nuptiis et concupiscentia, II, 21.36; PL 44, 443; Contra Iulianum, III, 7.16; PL 44, 710; ibid., V, 16.60; PL 44, 817. See also Idem (1983). Le mariage chrétien dans l'oeuvre de Saint Augustin. Une théologie baptismale de la vie conjugale. Paris: Études Augustiniennes. p. 97.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  108. Non substantialiter manere concupiscentiam, sicut corpus aliquod aut spiritum; sed esse affectionem quamdam malae qualitatis, sicut est languor. (De nuptiis et concupiscentia, I, 25. 28; PL 44, 430; cf. Contra Julianum, VI, 18.53; PL 44, 854; ibid. VI, 19.58; PL 44, 857; ibid., II, 10.33; PL 44, 697; Contra Secundinum Manichaeum, 15; PL 42, 590.
  109. Marius Mercator Lib. verb. Iul. Praef.,2,3; PL 48,111 /v.5-13/; Bonner, Gerald. Rufinus of Syria and African Pelagianism. pp. 35(X).<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles> in: Idem (1987). God's Decree and Man's Destiny. London: Variorum Reprints. pp. 31–47 (X). ISBN 0-86078-203-4.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  110. Augustine of Hippo, De gratia Christi et de peccato originali, I, 15.16; CSEL 42, 138 [v.24–29]; Ibid., I,4.5; CSEL 42, 128 [v.15–23]. See Bonner, p. 355–356
  111. Augustine of Hippo, Against Two Letters of the Pelagians 1.31–32
  112. Brown, Peter. Augustine of Hippo. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967. ISBN 0-520-00186-9, 35
  113. The Manichaean Version of Genesis 2–4 at the Wayback Machine (archived October 29, 2005). Translated from the Arabic text of Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist, as reproduced by G. Flügel in Mani: Seine Lehre und seine Schriften (Leipzig, 1862; reprinted, Osnabrück: Biblio Verlag, 1969) 58.11–61.13.
  114. Augustine of Hippo, De libero arbitrio 1,9,1.
  115. Trapè, A. S. Agostino: Introduzione alla Dottrina della Grazia. I – Natura e Grazia. pp. 113–114.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  116. Brachtendorf, J. (1997). "Cicero and Augustine on the Passions": 307. <templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css" />hdl:2042/23075. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  117. See. Sfameni Gasparro, G. (2001). Enkrateia e Antropologia. Le motivazioni protologiche della continenza e della verginità nel christianesimo del primi secoli e nello gnosticismo. Studia Ephemeridis «Augustinianum» 20. Rome. pp. 250–251.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>; Somers, H. "Image de Dieu. Les sources de l'exégèse augustinienne". Revue des Études Augustiniennes. 7 (1961): 115. ISSN 0035-2012. <templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css" />hdl:2042/712.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>. Cf. John Chrysostome, Περι παρθενίας (De Sancta Virginitate), XIV, 6; SCh 125, 142–145; Gregory of Nyssa, On the Making of Man, 17; SCh 6, 164–165 and On Virginity, 12.2; SCh 119, 402 [17–20]. Cf. Augustine of Hippo, On the Good of Marriage, 2.2; PL 40, 374.
  118. Although Augustine praises him in the Confessions, 8.2., it is widely acknowledged that Augustine's attitude towards that pagan philosophy was very much of a Christian apostle, as T.E. Clarke SJ writes: Towards Neoplatonism there was throughout his life a decidedly ambivalent attitude; one must expect both agreement and sharp dissent, derivation but also repudiation. In the matter which concerns us here, the agreement with Neoplatonism (and with the Platonic tradition in general) centers on two related notions: immutability as primary characteristic of divinity, and likeness to divinity as the primary vocation of the soul. The disagreement chiefly concerned, as we have said, two related and central Christian dogmas: the Incarnation of the Son of God and the resurrection of the flesh. Clarke, SJ, T. E. "St. Augustine and Cosmic Redemption". Theological Studies. 19 (1958): 151.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles> Cf. É. Schmitt's chapter 2: L'idéologie hellénique et la conception augustinienne de réalités charnelles in: Idem (1983). Le mariage chrétien dans l'oeuvre de Saint Augustin. Une théologie baptismale de la vie conjugale. Paris: Études Augustiniennes. pp. 108–123.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles> O'Meara, J.J. (1954). The Young Augustine: The Growth of St. Augustine's Mind up to His Conversion. London. pp. 143–151 and 195f.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles> Madec, G. Le "platonisme" des Pères. p. 42.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles> in Idem (1994). Petites Études Augustiniennes. «Antiquité» 142. Paris: Collection d'Études Augustiniennes. pp. 27–50.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles> Thomas Aq. STh I q84 a5; Augustine of Hippo, City of God (De Civitate Dei), VIII, 5; CCL 47, 221 [3–4].
  119. Gerson, Lloyd P. Plotinus. New York, NY: Routledge, 1994. 203
  120. Augustine of Hippo, "Enarrations on the Psalms" (Enarrationes in psalmos), 143:6; CCL 40, 2077 [46] – 2078 [74]; On the Literal Meaning of Genesis (De Genesi ad Litteram), 9:6:11, trans. John Hammond Taylor SJ, vol. 2, p. 76-77; PL 34, 397.
  121. Gerald Bonner's comment explains a little bit why there are so many authors who write false things about Augustine's views: It is, of course, always easier to oppose and denounce than to understand. See Bonner, p. 312
  122. Augustine of Hippo, De continentia, 12.27; PL 40, 368; Ibid., 13.28; PL 40, 369; Contra Julianum, III, 15.29, PL 44, 717; Ibid., III, 21.42, PL 44, 724.
  123. "A Postscript to the Remedium Concupiscentiae". The Thomist. 70: 481–536. 2006.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  124. Merits and Remission of Sin, and Infant Baptism (De peccatorum meritis et remissione et de baptismo parvulorum), I, 6.6; PL 44, 112–113; cf. On the Literal Meaning of Genesis (De Genesi ad litteram) 9:6:11, trans. John Hammond Taylor SJ, vol. 2, pp. 76–77; PL 34, 397.
  125. Augustine of Hippo, Imperfectum Opus contra Iulianum, II, 218
  126. In 393 or 394 he commented: Moreover, if unbelief is fornication, and idolatry unbelief, and covetousness idolatry, it is not to be doubted that covetousness also is fornication. Who, then, in that case can rightly separate any unlawful lust whatever from the category of fornication, if covetousness is fornication? And from this we perceive, that because of unlawful lusts, not only those of which one is guilty in acts of uncleanness with another's husband or wife, but any unlawful lusts whatever, which cause the soul making a bad use of the body to wander from the law of God, and to be ruinously and basely corrupted, a man may, without crime, put away his wife, and a wife her husband, because the Lord makes the cause of fornication an exception; which fornication, in accordance with the above considerations, we are compelled to understand as being general and universal ("On the Sermon on the Mount", De sermone Domini in monte, 1:16:46; CCL 35, 52)
  127. 127.0 127.1 127.2 127.3 127.4 Cross, Ch. "Original Sin"
  128. Southern, R.W. (1953). The Making of the Middle Ages. London. pp. 234–7.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  129. Bonner, p. 371
  130. Hägglund, Bengt (2007) [1968]. Teologins historia (in German). Translated by Gene J. Lund (4th rev. ed.). St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House. pp. 139–140. ISBN 978-0758613486. Unknown parameter |trans_title= ignored (help)CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  131. St. Augustine of Hippo. "On Rebuke and Grace". In Philip Schaff (ed.). Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, First Series, Vol. 5. Translated by Peter Holmes and Robert Ernest Wallis, and revised by Benjamin B. Warfield (Revised and edited for New Advent by Kevin Knight) (1887 ed.). Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature Publishing Co.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
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  133. 133.0 133.1 133.2 Portalié, Eugène. "Teaching of St. Augustine of Hippo" The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 2. New York: Robert Appleton Company (1907). Retrieved 30 September 2011
  134. Augustine of Hippo, Explanations of the Psalms 33:1:10 [405]
  135. Augustine of Hippo, Sermons 227 [411]
  136. Augustine of Hippo, Sermons 272
  137. Augustine of Hippo, A Sermon to Catechumens on the Creed, Paragraph 16
  138. Augustine of Hippo, City of God, Book 20, Chapter 8
  139. Diarmaid MacCulloch. The Reformation: A History (Penguin Group, 2005) p 8.
  140. Augustine of Hippo, City of God, book 18, chapter 46.
  141. Edwards, J. (1999) The Spanish Inquisition, Stroud, pp. 33–35, ISBN 0752417703.
  142. James Carroll, Constantine's Sword (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2002), p. 219.
  143. See also Paula Fredriksen, interviewed by David Van Biema "Was Was Saint Augustine Good for the Jews?" in Time magazine, December 7, 2008.
  144. Fredriksen interviewed by Van Biema, "Was Saint Augustine Good for the Jews?"
  145. Augustine of Hippo, On Christian Doctrine, 3.37
  146. Russell, Bertrand. (1945) A History of Western Philosophy, Simon & Schuster. p. 356.
  147. Augustine of Hippo, City of God, Book I, Ch. 16, 18.
  148. Reuther, R.R. (2007). "Augustine: sexuality gender and women", pp. 47–68 in J.C. Stark (Ed.), Feminist interpretations of Augustine, University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, ISBN 027103257X.
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  150. Raming, I. (2004). A history of women and ordination volume two: The priestly office of women – God’s gift to a renewed church. (B. Cooke & G. Macy, Trans.). Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press Inc. pp. 29–30, ISBN 0810848503.
  151. Edwards, B. (2011). "Let My People Go: A Call to End the Oppression of Women in the Church." Charleston, SC: Createspace, ISBN 1466401117.
  152. 152.0 152.1 McCloskey, Gary N. (April 2008) Encounters of Learning: Saint Augustine on Education, Saint Augustine Institute for Learning and Teaching, Merrimack College.
  153. Wright, F.A. and Sinclair, T.A. (1931) A History of Later Latin Literature, Dawsons of Pall Mall, London, pp. 56 ff.
  154. Bertrand Russell History of western Philosophy Book II Chapter IV
  155. History of Western Philosophy, 1946, reprinted Unwin Paperbacks 1979, pp. 352–353.
  156. Confessiones Liber X: commentary on 10.8.12 (in Latin)
  157. de Paulo, Craig J. N. (2006). The Influence of Augustine on Heidegger: The Emergence of an Augustinian Phenomenology. The Edwin Mellen Press. ISBN 0773456899.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  158. Husserl, Edmund (1964) Phenomenology of Internal Time-Consciousness. Tr. James S. Churchill. Bloomington: Indiana UP, p. 21.
  159. For example, Heidegger's articulations of how "Being-in-the-world" is described through thinking about seeing: "The remarkable priority of 'seeing' was noticed particularly by Augustine, in connection with his Interpretation of concupiscentia." Heidegger then quotes theConfessions: "Seeing belongs properly to the eyes. But we even use this word 'seeing' for the other senses when we devote them to cognizing... We not only say, 'See how that shines', ... 'but we even say, 'See how that sounds'". Being and Time, Trs. Macquarrie & Robinson. New York: Harpers, 1964, p. 171.
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  163. Lal, D. (March 2002) Morality and Capitalism: Learning from the Past. Working Paper Number 812, Department of Economics, University of California, Los Angeles.
  164. Munteanu, E. 'On the Object-Language / Metalanaguage Distinction in Saint Augustine's Works. De Dialectica and de Magistro.', p. 65. In Cram, D., Linn, A. R., & Nowak, E. (Eds.). History of Linguistics 1996: Volume 2: From Classical to Contemporary Linguistics. John Benjamins Publishing Company. Retrieved April 16, 2015 from
  165. Restless Heart. Retrieved on 2013-04-28.
  166. AGOSTINELLI Family Crest / AGOSTINELLI Coat of Arms. (2013-04-19). Retrieved on 2013-04-28.
  167. Miller, Walter M., Jr. (1959) A Canticle for Leibowitz, p. 209.


  • Cross, Frank L.; Livingstone, Elizabeth, eds. (2005). The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-280290-9.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Weiskotten, Herbert T. (2008). The Life of Saint Augustine: A Translation of the Sancti Augustini Vita by Possidius, Bishop of Calama. Merchantville, NJ: Evolution Publishing. ISBN 1-889758-90-6.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
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Further reading

  • Ancient Christian Writers: The Works of the Fathers in Translation. New York: Newman Press. 1978.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Augustine, Saint (1974). Vernon Joseph Bourke (ed.). The Essential Augustine (2nd ed.). Indianapolis: Hackett.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Ayres, Lewis (2010). Augustine and the Trinity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-83886-3.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Bourke, Vernon Joseph (1945). Augustine's Quest of Wisdom. Milwaukee: Bruce.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Bourke, Vernon Joseph (1984). Wisdom From St. Augustine. Houston: Center for Thomistic Studies.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Brachtendorf J. "Cicero and Augustine on the Passions". Revue des Études Augustiniennes. 43 (1997): 289–308. <templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css" />hdl:2042/23075.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Brown, Peter (1967). Augustine of Hippo. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-00186-9.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Burke, Cormac (1990). "St. Augustine and Conjugal Sexuality". Communio. IV (17): 545–565.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Burnaby, John (1938). Amor Dei: A Study of the Religion of St. Augustine. The Canterbury Press Norwich. ISBN 1-85311-022-1.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Clark, Mary T. (1994). Augustine. Geoffrey Chapman. ISBN 978-0-225-66681-6.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Deane, Herbert A. (1963). The Political and Social Ideas of St. Augustine. New York: Columbia University Press.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • de Paulo, Craig J. N. (2011). Augustinian Just War Theory and the Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq: Confessions, Contentions and the Lust for Power. Peter Lang. ISBN 978-1-4331-1232-4.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Doull, James A. (1979). "Augustinian Trinitarianism and Existential Theology". Dionysius. III: 111–159.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Doull, James A. (1988). "What is Augustinian "Sapientia"?". Dionysius. XII: 61–67.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Fitzgerald, Allan D., O.S.A., General Editor (1999). Augustine through the Ages: An Encyclopedia. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co. ISBN 0-8028-3843-X.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Gilson, Etienne (1960). The Christian Philosophy of St. Augustine. L. E. M. Lynch, trans. New York: Random House.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Green, Bradley G. Colin Gunton and the Failure of Augustine: The Theology of Colin Gunton in the Light of Augustine, James Clarke and Co. (2012), ISBN 9780227680056
  • Kolbet, Paul R. (2010). Augustine and the Cure of Souls: Revising a Classical Ideal. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. ISBN 978-0268033217.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Lawless, George P. (1987). Augustine of Hippo and His Monastic Rule. Oxford: Clarendon Press.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • LeMoine, Fannie; Kleinhenz, Christopher, eds. (1994). Saint Augustine the Bishop: A Book of Essays. Garland Medieval Casebooks. 9. New York: Garland.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Lubin, Augustino (1659). Orbis Augustinianus sive conventuum ordinis eremitarum Sancti Augustini – chorographica et topographica descriptio. Paris.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Mackey, Louis (2011). Faith Order Understanding: Natural Theology in the Augustinian Tradition. Totonto: PIMS. ISBN 978-0-88844-421-9.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Markus, R. A., ed. (1972). Augustine: A Collection of Critical Essays. Garden City, NY: Anchor.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Matthews, Gareth B. (2005). Augustine. Blackwell. ISBN 0-631-23348-2.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Mayer, Cornelius P. (ed.). Augustinus-Lexikon. Basel: Schwabe AG. Missing or empty |title= (help)<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Miles, Margaret R. Augustine and the Fundamentalist's Daughter, The Lutterworth Press (2012), ISBN 9780718892623
  • Nash, Ronald H (1969). The Light of the Mind: St Augustine's Theory of Knowledge. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • Nelson, John Charles (1973). "Platonism in the Renaissance". In Wiener, Philip (ed.). Dictionary of the History of Ideas. 3. New York: Scribner. pp. 510–15 (vol. 3). ISBN 0-684-13293-1. (...) Saint Augustine asserted that Neo-Platonism possessed all spiritual truths except that of the Incarnation. (...) <templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  • O'Daly, Gerard (1987). Augustine's Philosophy of the Mind. Berkeley: University of California Press.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
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External links

Works by Augustine
Biography and criticism

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