Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom

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The Inner Six alongside the Outer Seven (1961)[context?]
  Inner Six
  Outer Seven

Euroscepticism, the opposition to policies of supranational EU institutions and/or opposition to Britain's membership of the European Union, has been a significant element in the politics of the United Kingdom (UK).

The European Unity movement as a political project after 1945 was supported and inspired by important British voices. For example, Winston Churchill pledged in his 1946 Zurich speech for "a kind of United States of Europe" led by France and Germany but did not intend to involve Britain.[1] The ambivalent position of British politics and citizens has been described as "wishing to seem an important part of Europe without being a part of it".[2] The othering of European Unity as a Continental issue and somebody else's problem has been rather strong.[3] Pro-European British politicians and citizens have faced various defeats and humiliations with regard to Britain's steps in the direction of increased European integration.[4] Even parties like the Liberal Democrats with an outspoken pro-European platform, have members that share the British lack of enthusiasms "of all things European."[5] After joining the EU, confrontational attitudes of British politicians, as in the UK rebate controversy, gained further popularity among the British public, and many Britons feel a much stronger affection for the Commonwealth of Nations than they ever have for the EU.[2][not in citation given]

History

An ideological divide between reverence for continental European refinery and classics and anti-foreigner sentiment has existed for centuries, but Euroscepticism is different from the anti-Europeanism more prevalent in American culture.[6] Britain's foreign policy stance of relatively minimal involvement in European affairs, on the other hand, was characterised as "splendid isolation" back in the late 19th century.[7]

After 1945

The United Kingdom (dark green) in the European Union (light green).

Britain was urged to join and lead western Europe in the immediate aftermath of World War II. The American Committee for a United Europe and the European Conference on Federation led by Winston Churchill were among the early endeveaours for European unity with British participation. Churchill also participated in the Hague Congress of 1948, which discussed the future structure and role of a proposed Council of Europe.[8] However, British governments and political mainstream players, while advocating stronger integration of the Continent, did not intend to take part themselves. Britain never had a strong pro-European movement like the one founded in post-war Germany. During the postwar years up to 1954, the UK was occupied with the dissolution of its global empire. It was not among the six founding member states of the European Communities in the early 1950s (described as the "Inner Six"). The six member states signed the Treaty of Paris, creating the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), on 18 April 1951 but failed to create a European Defence Community.

Whilst after the war Churchill was an early supporter of pan-Europeanism[8] and called for a "United States of Europe" and the creation of a "Council of Europe".[8] he did not have Britain join the ECSC in 1951

We have our own dream and our own task. We are with Europe, but not of it. We are linked but not combined. We are interested and associated but not absorbed.[9]

In the years before, only the British extreme right – in particular Fascist politician Oswald Mosley– were rather outspoken, based on the Union Movement and the Europe a Nation slogan, for a stronger integration of Britain with Europe.[10][11] The British elites did not assume Britain should or could take part as a simple member in the European communities at that time.[12] The reservation was based less on economic considerations, since European integration would have offset the decreasing importance of trade within the Commonwealth of Nations trade,[13] but rather on political philosophy.[13] In Britain, the concept of unlimited sovereignty, based on the British legal system and parliamentary tradition was, and is, held in high esteem and presents a serious impediment to attempts at integration into a Continental legal framework.[13]

Hugh Gaitskell, a staunch opponent of European integration.

The Labour Party leader Hugh Gaitskell once declared that joining the European Economic Community (EEC) would mean "the end of a thousand years of history".[14] However, some Gaitskellites (including the later founders of the Social Democratic Party), were favourable to British involvement. Labour later changed from its opposition towards the European Community and began to support membership. Important groups of Conservatives also opposed joining the Common Market. One of the earliest groups formed against British involvement in Europe was the Conservative Party-based Anti-Common Market League, whose president Victor Montagu declared that opponents of the Common Market did not want to "subject [themselves] to a lot of frogs and huns".[15] Conversely, much of the opposition to Britain's EU membership came from Labour politicians and trade unionists who feared bloc membership would impede socialist policies, although this was never the universal Labour Party opinion. In 2002 a minority of Labour MPs, and others such as Denis Healey, formed the Labour Against the Euro group in 2002, opposing British membership of the single currency.[16] The Trades Union Congress remains strongly pro-EU.[17]

Impact of the Suez Crisis 1956

Even before the events of the Suez Crisis in 1956, the United Kingdom had faced strains in its relationship with the U.S. After the Suez conflict it had finally to accept that it could no longer assume that it was the preferred partner of the United States and underwent a massive loss of trust in the special relationship with the U.S.[18] Britain, Denmark, Ireland, and Norway then started to prepare for a trading union, the European Free Trade Association (EFTA). British politicians, such as Labour's George Brown were in 1962 still of opinion, that Britain should not only be allowed to join, but be welcomed to lead the European Union, and met then with ridicule.[3]

In the 1960s the membership attempts of Conservative UK governments faced strong resistance from the Continent, especially from the French president, Charles de Gaulle.[12] Instead of being offered a leadership role, Britain was put on a yearlong waiting list, a major political humiliation for pro-European Britons. De Gaulle's veto in 1963 was a devastating blow for Harold Macmillan,[4] who, according Hugo Young, was not the last Tory politician to end his or her career as a result of European affairs. The UK faced a major economic decline and a row of disturbing political scandals as well. The combination did not help much with the Europe's image in the UK, and vice versa. With Georges Pompidou replacing de Gaulle, the veto was lifted and negotiations began in 1970 under the pro-European government of Edward Heath. Heath had to deal with disagreements relating to the Common Agricultural Policy and the remaining relationship with the Commonwealth of Nations. 1972 the accession treaties were signed with all but Norway.[19]

Admission and referendum

Despite the decision to join the European Community, internal Labour divisions over EEC membership prompted the Labour Party to propose a referendum be held on the permanence of the UK in the Communities. Proposed in 1972 by Tony Benn,[20] Labour's referendum proposal led the anti-EEC Conservative politician Enoch Powell to advocate a Labour vote (initially only inferred) in the February 1974 election,[21] which was thought to have influenced the result, a return to government of the Labour Party. The eventual referendum in 1975 asked the voters:

"Parliament has decided to consult the electorate on the question whether the UK should remain in the European Economic Community: Do you want the UK to remain in the EEC?"

British membership of the EEC was endorsed by 67% of those voting, with a turnout of 64.5%. To date, the electorate has not been allowed to vote on membership of a European Union, nor any treaty changes.[citation needed]

From 1975 to 1997

The debate between Eurosceptics and EU supporters is ongoing within, rather than between, British political parties, whose membership is of varied standpoints. The two main political parties in Britain, the Conservative Party (in government) and the Labour Party (in opposition) have within them a broad spectrum of views concerning the European Union.

In the 1970s and early 1980s the Labour Party was the more Eurosceptic of the two parties, with more anti-European Communities MPs than the Conservatives. In 1975, Labour held a special conference on British membership and the party voted 2 to 1 for Britain to leave the European Communities.[22] In 1979, the Labour manifesto[23] declared that a Labour government would "oppose any move towards turning the Community into a federation" and, in 1983,[24] it still favoured British withdrawal from the EEC.

Under the leadership of Neil Kinnock after 1983, however, the then oppositional party dropped its former resistance to the European Communities and instead favoured greater British integration into European Economic and Monetary Union. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher however gained much popularity with the so-called UK rebate in 1984. Britain then managed to reduce its contributions to the Union to a certain extent, as it was then the EU's second poorest member and, without much agriculture, benefited little from farm subsidies.[25]

A speech by Jacques Delors, then President of the European Commission, at the TUC conference in 1988 helped to weaken the eurosceptic inclination in the Labour Party.[26] In the context of Thatcher's Conservative premiership, when policies to reduce the power of the trade unions were pursued, Delors' advocacy of a "social Europe" became attractive to many.[27] However the UK rebate have been held up as well by following Prime ministers.[25] In late October 1990, just before her premiership ended, Mrs Thatcher reacted strongly against Delors' plans for a single currency in the House of Commons;[28] her stance contributed to her downfall a few weeks later.[29]

Role of the Post-Maastricht Blues

The overall acceptance of the European Union in all member states saw a strong increase of support till the 1990ies and a major decline afterwards, support sinking to 1980ies levels then.[30] Due to the timely connection with the Maastricht Treaty 1992, it has been called the post-Maastricht-Blues.[30][31] The European integration process faced a major defeat with the failed Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe and eurosceptical opinions gained more impact overall. The role of public opinion had been lower before but gained importance with state referendums, as in the rejection of the constitution by French and Dutch voters in 2005.[30]

Since 1997

UK Independence Party leader Nigel Farage is arguably the United Kingdom's most famous Eurosceptic campaigner and wants the UK to leave the European Union.

The financier Sir James Goldsmith formed the Referendum Party as a single-issue party to fight the 1997 General Election, calling for a referendum on aspects of the UK's relationship with the European Union. It planned to contest every constituency where there was no leading candidate in favour of such a referendum, and briefly held a seat in the House of Commons after George Gardiner, the Conservative MP for Reigate, changed parties in March 1997 following a battle against deselection by his local party. The party polled 800,000 votes and finished fourth, but did not win a seat in the House of Commons. The United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), advocating the UK's complete withdrawal from the European Union, had been founded in 1993 by Alan Sked, but initially had only very limited success. Due to a change in the election principle, the European Parliament election, 1999 allowed for the first UKIP parliamentary representation.[citation needed] Many commentators[who?][32] believe over-interest in the issue to be an important reason why the Conservative Party lost the General Election of 2001. They argue that the British electorate was more influenced by domestic issues than by European affairs.[citation needed]

After the electoral defeat of the UK Conservatives in 2001, the issue of Eurosceptism was important in the contest to elect a new party leader. The winner, Iain Duncan Smith, was seen as more Eurosceptic than his predecessor, William Hague. As opposition leader, Iain Duncan Smith attempted to disaffiliate the British Conservative Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) from the federalist European People's Party group. As MEPs must participate in a transnational alliance to retain parliamentary privileges, Duncan Smith sought the merger of Conservative MEPs into the Eurosceptic Union for a Europe of Nations (UEN) group. Conservative MEPs vetoed this move because of the presence within the UEN of representatives of neo-fascist parties who do not share similar domestic politics. In 2004, Duncan Smith's successor, Michael Howard, emphasised that Conservative MEPs would remain in the EPP Group so as to maintain influence in the European Parliament. However Michael Howard's successor David Cameron pledged to remove Conservative MEPs from the EPP Group and this has now been implemented.[citation needed]

UKIP received 16% of the vote and gained 12 MEPs in the 2004 European Election. The party's results improved in the 2009 UK European Election, coming in second, above the incumbent Labour Party.[33] In the 2014 European Parliament elections UKIP support reached a new high water mark, coming first ahead of the Labour party, and gaining 26.6% of the vote.[citation needed]

Criticism of the EU

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Lack of foreign policy

The major countries of the European Union have refused to make a common foreign and defense policy, which caused EU to have no political or diplomatic power and influence.[citation needed]

The British politician Norman Lamont pointed out that EU showed itself over Ukraine to be like an amateur actor.[34]

The EU has also been criticised for the way in which it handled the situations in Syria and Libya, as well as the largest refugee crisis since the Second World War: it has been alleged that the EU regarded them as somebody else's problem.[35] In fact, David Cameron sent his drones to attack Syria without seeking common ground with EU defence chiefs.[36]

Economic criticism

Unemployment

During 2007-2014 period, the unemployment rates of Iceland and Norway are low, and Switzerland's employment figure is much better than EU's employment figure. Those countries are outside the European Union. During 2008-2011 period, the US's jobless rate was relatively higher than that of UK, but the FRB's quantitative easing programmes under the supervison of Ben Bernanke made it easier for the world largest economy to reduce the high unemployment.[37] Note that macroeconomics tells us that the higher inflation rate becomes, the lower unemployment rate does. In fact, the US's expansionary monetary policy was a threat to the core of EU, to the extent that German Chancellor Angela Merkel accused US and Japan of their massive bond purchase programmes to enhance their conpetitiveness.[38] And UK's unemployment rate is lower than that of EU.[39]

  EU's unemployment rate (%)
  US's unemployment rate (%)
  Iceland's unemployment rate (%)
  Switzerland's unemployment rate (%)
  Norway's unemployment rate (%)

Campaigns for withdrawal

The two major anti-EU campaigns in the UK are Vote Leave and Leave.EU, both of which have received limited support from Nigel Farage, leader of the UK's largest eurosceptic political party.[40] Vote Leave is a cross-party group working with the campaigns Labour Leave, Conservatives for Britain and Business for Britain.[41] Its donors include former Conservative treasurer and banker Peter Cruddas, Labour donor John Mills and spread betting tycoon Stuart Wheeler, who was a major donor to the Conservatives before becoming UKIP treasurer.[42] It is also the preferred campaign of UKIP's only Member of Parliament, Douglas Carswell.[42]

The Better Off Out campaign, run by Simon Richards, a non-partisan organisation campaigning for EU withdrawal, lists its reasons for EU withdrawal as freedom to make trading deals with other nations, control over national borders, control over UK government spending, the restoration of the British legal system, deregulation of EU laws and control of the NHS among others.[43] Get Britain Out and Campaign for an Independent Britain are similar non-partisan campaigns.

The perceived democratic deficit in the European Union, including legitimacy problems of the European Commission and the European Parliament and the supremacy of EU law over national legislation are some of the major objections of British Eurosceptics. The EU is also argued to have a negative financial impact due to rising costs of membership,[44] and an alleged negative impact of EU regulatory burdens on UK business.[45]

Opponents of the EU have accused its politicians and civil servants of corruption. A media scoop of this sort was 2005 Nigel Farage MEP request of the European Commission to disclose the individual Commissioner holiday travel, after President of the European Commission, José Barroso had spent a week on the yacht of the Greek shipping billionaire Spiro Latsis.[46] The European Court of Auditors reports about the financial planning are among the topics which are often scandalised in the British press.[47]

Opinion polling

The assessment of attitudes to the European Union and European Parliamentary Election voting intentions is undertaken on a regular basis by a variety of opinion polling organisations, including ComRes, ICM, Populus and Survation. For detailed polls see Proposed referendum on United Kingdom membership of the European Union

Support for withdrawal

According to an Opinium/Observer poll taken on 20 February 2015, 51% of the British electorate said they would most likely vote the United Kingdom to leave the European Union if they were offered a referendum, whereas 49% would not (the figures exclude 14% who said they were unsure). These studies also showed that 41% of the electorate view the EU as a positive force overall, whereas 34% saw it as negative,[48] and a study in November 2012 showed that while 48% of EU citizens trust the European Parliament, only 22% of the UK trusted the Parliament.[49]:110–2: QA 14.1 Various other polls have found similarly narrow majorities in favour of remaining within the EU.

However, support and opposition for withdrawal from the EU are not evenly distributed among the different age groups: opposition to EU membership is most prevalent among those 60 and older, with a poll from 22–23 March 2015 showing that 48% of this age group oppose EU membership. This decreases to 22% among those aged 18–24 (with 56% of 18- to 24-year-olds stating that they would vote for Britain to remain in the EU). Finally, the results of the poll showed some regional variation: support for withdrawal from the EU is lowest in Scotland and London (at 22% and 32% respectively) but reaches 42% in the Midlands and Wales (the only region polled with a plurality in favour of withdrawal).[50]

The February 2015 study also showed that trust of the UK's relationship with the EU is split along partisan lines: 35% trusted the Tories (Conservatives); 33% trusted Labour; 15% trusted UKIP; 7% trusted the Greens and 6% trusted the Lib Dems.[48]

2015

Date(s) conducted stay leave Unsure Sample Held by Notes
24–26 March 49% 44% 7% 1,007 Panelbase Northern Ireland not sampled
22–23 March 46% 36% 15% 1,641 YouGov/The Sun Northern Ireland not sampled
18–23 March 42% 34% 20% 8,271 YouGov/The Times Northern Ireland not sampled
23–24 February 45% 37% 13% 1,520 YouGov Eurotrack Northern Ireland not sampled
22–23 February 45% 35% 17% 1,772 YouGov/The Sun Northern Ireland not sampled
17–20 February 41% 44% 14% 1,975 Opinium/Observer Northern Ireland not sampled
25–26 January 43% 37% 14% 1,656 YouGov/The Sun Northern Ireland not sampled
18–19 January 43% 38% 15% 1,747 YouGov/British Influence Northern Ireland not sampled
15–19 January 38% 34% 23% 1,188 TNS-BMRB Northern Ireland not sampled
6–8 January 37% 40% 18% 1,201 TNS-BMRB Northern Ireland not sampled

See also

References

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