Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal

Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal متحدہ مجلس عمل
Founder	JUP TeJ JUI(F) JAH JI
Central Presiding Leaders	Imam Noorani Fazl-ur-Rahman Sami-ul-Haq Munawar Hasan Hussain Ahmad Khurshid Ahmad S.A. Nakvi Liaqat Baloch
Slogan	"Nizam-e-Mustafa"
Founded	2003
Dissolved	2007
Ideology	Islamism: Islamism Clericalism Social and Religious conservatism Theocracy
Political position	Right-wing
Religion	Conservative Islam
Colors	Green, White, Black
Senate	6 / 100
National Assembly	63 / 342
Election symbol
Balance, Book
Party flag

The Muttahida Majlis–e–Amal (Urdu:متحدہ مجلس عمل; lit. United Council of Action), was a political alliance consisting of ultra–conservative, Islamist, religious, and far-right parties of Pakistan that opposed President Pervez Musharraf and Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz.

Formed in 2002 in a direct opposition to the policies led by President Pervez Musharraf to support for the United States' war in Afghanistan, the alliance more densely consolidated its position during the nationwide general elections held in 2002. The JUI(F) led by its leader cleric Fazl-ur-Rahman retained the most of the political momentum in the alliance, but the portion of the leadership comes from the JI. The MMA retained the provisional government of Khyber–Pakhtunkhwa and remained in alliance with PMLQ in Balochistan; the public criticism and disapproval nonetheless grew against the alliance.

Despite its conservatism, the alliance remained in existence for a short period of time when the JUI(F) left the alliance over the political disagreement on the issues of boycotting the general elections held in 2008. The JUI(F) later becoming in integral in the government led by the left-wing Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and refused to revive the alliance in 2012 in opposition to PPP.

Background

Historical and academic accounts

The MMA conglomeration of distinct Islamist parties that ran under a single banner during the nationwide general elections held in 2002. Islamist movements are defined as those which derive inspiration from the Islamic scriptures, the Qur'an and Hadith, and vie to capture the state. Historically, the literature concerning Islamism and Muslim political institutions has been propagated via the Orientalist discourse, where the rejection of certain post-Enlightenment, national, and secular values has been translated into such movements' nature.

In fact, much of Islamism and its ideology are critiqued as a launching pad for fundamentalism and radicalism, as political movements such as Hezbollah, Hamas, and the ‘Islamic’ revolution of Iran are highlighted. However, social science and ethnographic work has proven that Islamism emerges from middle-class lay intellectuals concentrated in urban centers.

Activism and politics

The Islamic political parties did united on a single platform in 1993 as "Islamic Front" but the competition ensued between conservative PML(N) and leftist PPP forced the front into split when the JUI(F) decided to opt in support of Benazir Bhutto of PPP against the Pakistan Muslim League. Overall in 1990s, the Islamic influence in the politics was very limited in the public.

After the deadly terrorist attacks on the United States on September 2001, the religious extremism began to grow in a military response to these attacks. The Islamic political parties formed the think tank, known as Pakistan-Afghanistan Defense Council (later known as Pakistan Defence Council), yet the formation of the MMA in 2001 was the first time such a coalition entered the electoral process.

Despite its huge mass, populism, and support, the MMA alliance only retained 63 seats whilst the PPP retained 94 seats and the President Musharraf's PML(Q) securing 124 seats during the general elections held in 2002. The alliance comprised the following notable groups:

1. Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan (JUP): A traditional Sunni-(Aqeeda-e-Sawad-e-Azam of Aaulia,Sufia) political party which is popular with traditional and folk Muslims in rural areas of Sindh and Punjab.They says the word Ya Rasool Allah tere chahne walon ki khair as Love slogan of Party.
2. The Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI-F): The party is led by Fazal-ur-Rehman who became widely known for his vocal and strong support for Benazir Bhutto and the Pakistan Peoples Party in 1990s. The JUI(F) was political influential, more hardline, and traditional stream of thinking – with popular appeal amongst clerics, Pashtuns and Baloch of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. The JUI(F) later became an integral in PPP led government formed in 2008–13.
3. Jamat-e-Islami (JI): A Islamist and follower of Maududism ultraconservative party originating from rural areas of Karachi. Despite its hardliner persuade and its large portion active in the MMA, the party remains less influential in alliance's political shifts. Historically, the foreign support and ties with the Saudi Arabia.
4. Tehrik-e-Jafaria Pakistan (TJP): The Shiite and ultraconservative party that played a crucial role in uniting the Shia mass in the support of MMA. Its political influence was also less in the alliance's political shifts. Historically, the foreign support and ties with the Iran.
5. Jamiat Ahle Hadith (JAH): Although a missionary political party, the JAH deriving itself from the Ahl-al-Hadith movement.

Rise to power

The success of the MMA can be attributed to the context-specific, political environment of the 2002 elections, due to the region’s geopolitical significance following the Afghanistan invasion, military-civilian relations, and the threat of religion under secular authoritarian rule. Leading up to the 2002 elections, the PPP and the PML-N were severely handicapped as elite members of their respective parties were charged with corruption under the military regime, and thus, under the Legal Framework Ordinances (LFO), were rendered incapable of running for office. In addition, the government exempted the MMA from standard campaign conduct, for their use of loudspeakers, street rallies, and anti-government inflammatory rhetoric was not interfered with. Another form of assistance from the government came in the revision of article 8a of the constitution, where a graduation clause required degrees from accredited universities, which included JI and JIU-F affiliated madaris, for participation in the electoral process. Such a clause restricted the ANP in its strongholds in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan, and thus favored the MMA.

However, in addition to the military prioritizing and providing several concessions to the MMA in its rise to legitimacy, ideological pragmatism as a campaign strategy lifted the party into Pakistan’s mainstream political institutions. Given the destabilized nature of the PPP and PML-N, the MMA benefited from the "ideological bankruptcy," monopolizing on the public’s sentiment towards the U.S.’ involvement in Afghanistan. Also, in public, the MMA remained confrontational and opposed Musharraf for his partnership with the U.S. The MMA’s political program highlighted its nationalist, populist tendencies, while hindering its religious rhetoric. Leading up to the elections, the MMA composed a 15-point manifesto as follows.

1. To revive fear of God, affection to the Islamic Prophet Mohammed and service to people with particular emphasis on government officials and cabinet members.
2. To make Pakistan a true Islamic welfare state to ensure justice to people and eradicate corruption whatsoever.
3. To ensure provision of bread, clothes, shelter, education, jobs and marriage expenses to all citizens.
4. To protect basic human rights (life, property and honour) of citizens
5. To create an independent, just and humane economic system where citizens will be provided opportunities for halal jobs, business, and investments.
6. To ensure uniform and quick justice to every citizen, from the president to a layman.
7. The develop God fearing, helping, brave and protecting police system.
8. To get the entire society literate within ten years to enable everyone to know one’s rights and responsibilities.
9. To ensure compulsory and free of charge education till matriculation and provide opportunities to meritorious students and scholars for advanced research.
10. To protect rights of women guaranteed by Islam and restoration of their honour and prestige.
11. To abolish all chronic and new feudal systems with forfeiture of illegal wealth and its distribution among the poor.
12. To provide lands to peasants and formers for their livelihood and guarantee reasonable prices to their produce.
13. To protect provincial autonomy and district governments, taking care of backward areas and classes and taking special steps to get them at par with developed areas.
14. To get the country and people rid of imperialistic forces and their local agents.
15. To extend moral, political and diplomatic help and support to all suppressed with particular emphasis on Kashmiris, Palestinians, Afghans, and Chechens.

The MMA’s manifesto relies on heavy promises towards social services, eradication of foreign imperialism, extinguish corruption and exercise justice, while highlighting local and international struggles towards autonomy. Although the implementations of Shari’a and gender segregation were cornerstones to the MMA’s ideology, such goals were vague and rarely highlighted during election campaigns. In addition, its relative passiveness against Musharraf’s incumbent regime helped the party’s cause, such as exemption from restrictions on public rallies and madrassa registration.

Such political strategies worked exemplary for the MMA in Balochistan and the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Due to the Balochi nationalists’ fragmentation following the withdrawal of the Soviets from the region and its failure to denounce the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, the Balochi incumbents were viewed as Musharraf sympathizers. In the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the MMA performed well due to the high volume of Pakhtuns, who received the MMA’s policies towards anti-imperialism well. The coalition consisted of large numbers of ethnic Pakhtuns, and thus was active in organizing demonstrations against the plight of Afghan Pakhtuns under siege. In Sindh, the MMA won popular support, and five out of twenty National Assembly seats, by attacking the incumbent party, the MQM. Highlighting their history of extortion and lack of progress towards addressing social concerns, the MMA rallied the masses through its madari networks to voice their position and conjure votes on Election Day.

Through utilizing the several concessions made by the military regime, exploiting ideological and public weaknesses of incumbent parties, and politicizing the Afghan invasion, the MMA was able to secure eleven percent of the popular vote and 58 seats in the National Assembly. Given the conditions of the election, which were limited and not free under the watchful eye of the military-government, the MMA’s ascension does not seem as surprising. However, in the following years, leading up to the 2008 election, the MMA was exposed and held publicly accountable.

Collapse of MMA

The MMA's success in the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan, and the city government of Karachi were the transient events, as seen in the alliance's split in the 2005 elections and official collapse in the 2008 elections.

Over the years, the public disapproval of MMA nonetheless grew and founded itself in tough situation in its competition with more resourceful and influential Alliance for Restoration of Democracy. Although the Military-MMA relationship is pertinent to the party’s demise, the MMA's fate can be more accurately ascribed to its relationship to other secular institutions, individual and organizational corruption, and competing Islamisms. The MMA's actions while serving in the government portray the party's ideological fissures, its inadequacy in serving the public and delivering campaign promises, and its illiteracy in realpolitik. With such exposed shortcomings while serving as constituents in Pakistan's democratic institutions, the MMA was evaluated on the basis of its performance, and was duly rejected in the subsequent provincial and national elections.

Legal Framework Order

On April 2002, President Pervez Musharraf attempted to promulgate the controversial Legal Framework Order (LFO No. 2002), which provided a total of 29 proivisions to be added in the Constitution.

Duly, the LFO was prudently denounced by the influential and most resourceful political alliance, the Alliance for Restoration of Democracy (ARD) which contained the leftist PPP and the conservative PML(N) under a common ground against President Pervez Musharraf. The ARD rigorously pressed its politics and efforts against the LFO that it partially suspended President Pervez Musharraf to act as President. The MMA also mobilized its into fierce opposition against President Pervez Musharraf effectively paralyzed the official duties of the Parliament.

The Second Amendment to the Constitution, addressing Articles 41 and 58 of the constitution, authorized Musharraf to legally transfer from his post as Chief Executive to President, and provided the President the authority to dissolve Parliament at will. The 7th Amendment agitated members of the PPP, PML-N, and the MMA, whose politicians were disqualified on the basis of corruption, evading repayment of government loans, and other misconduct, rendering them unable to participate in elections.

The most vehemently protested legislation by the ARD was of the Seventeenth Amendment, which reestablished the vintage National Security Council (NSC) and granted its executive seat to President Musharraf; therefore solidifying the transfer of power from the Parliament and Prime Minister to the President.

Fallout with Alliance for Restoration of Democracy

In 2003, an eleven-member arbitration council was set up to negotiate measures necessary to pass the Amendments in Parliament, however private settlements were offered to each party in exchange for its support of the legislation as well. Due to the PPP and the conservative PML(N)'s allegiance to the ARD and the established intra-party institutions and ideology, the parties resolutely rejected the most striking aspects of the proposed legislation, which vindicated the military regime of its unconstitutional coup. However, with its various Islamist groups and thus assorted ideologies, the MMA served as the most likely party for the Musharraf regime to conciliate. In fact, the second largest group of the MMA, the JUI-F, advocated the existing government, unlike the other party pioneer, the JI.

On December 29, the Seventeenth Amendment was ratified by Parliament after an agreement between the MMA and the President Musharraf regime was reached; thus enacting the LFO into law on 1 January 2004 which allowed for the President Musharraf's transition for chief of army staff to President. With few alterations to the original LFO, most notably President Musharraf's agreement to remove his military uniform for civilian attire, the MMA, siding with the treasury benches, approved the Amendment by two-thirds majority. The vote was boycotted by the disconcerted ARD, who witnessed the MMA recited "No LFO no!, go Musharraf go!" throughout the year's parliamentary session and organized rallies against the legislation in Rawalpindi and Islamabad. Instead, the ARD declared the MMA as dissidents in the cause against Musharraf's authoritarian regime and the restoration of the civilian government.

Relations with the military

The reasons as to why the MMA consented to the LFO remains unclear, given the initial agreement was reached between the two parties in separate meetings between the JI's leader Hussain Ahmed and the JUI(F)'s leader Fazal-ur-Rehman. Regardless, the ratification of the LFO undermined the credibility of the MMA due to its capricious relationship with the incumbent authoritarian regime. In fact, the ARD felt corroboration of such a relationship came in the form of the military’s impassivity towards the JI after evidence of its association with al-Qaeda, recognition of the MMA as the main opposition in Parliament, and the MMA’s reticence in the wake of the storming of the Lal Masjid. The MMA attempted to compensate for the military-mullah rhetoric by violently protesting against the government and its response to the Danish cartoon controversy and the promulgation of the Hasba Bill, however such sentiment further proved the MMA’s flightiness to the public, while further provoking the ARD and institutions of the civilian government.

The marginalization of the MMA by the ARD and the Supreme Court pitted the coalition against the most significant actors of the civilian government. The MMA's reliability after the LFO debacle, an incident often related to President Zia ul-Haq’s RCO measures, remained questionable, and thus was heavily discriminated against by the legal and political elements of the more established civilian actors. With such partisanship against the MMA, the ARD banded together in universally opposing the MMA, which buckled, as would any party estranged in a democratic political process.

Public disapproval

In 2002, the constituents of the ARD performed poorly in the general elections due to forced restrictions imposed by the President Pervez Musharraf, leading to arrests of several leaders of the PPP and PML(N) for corruption charges and violation of campaign methods. In addition, the leftist ANP suffered substantially due to the graduation clause as made part of Seventeenth Amendment of the constitution, making graduate degrees from accredited universities, madrasahs included, a prerequisite for positions in the provincial and national assemblies. With such conditions, almost all of the established political parties were handicapped, and thus were left ideologically bankrupt, jostling for self-preservation. As the issue most prevalent to the 2002 elections became foreign policy and economic reforms, the PPP, PML(N) and ANP did not adjust their rhetoric accordingly.

However, after 2002, as such parties became entrenched in the political process, they adapted accordingly, engaging in realpolitik while adhering to party ideology. The PPP, a left-oriented socialist party committed to social democracy, has historically clashed with the military and authoritarian regimes, and is insistent on the strict preservation of the Constitution. The Pakistan Muslim League, the first established ruling party of Pakistan after independence in 1947, was forcefully split by Pervez Musharraf in order to form splinter cell to support his regime. Thus, although the party was severely fractured, the dissent, which consisted of conservative Ch. Shuja'at Hussain, military loyalists, yielded a more ideologically cohesive Pakistan Muslim League. In addition, the coup orchestrated in 1999 ousted the Pakistan Muslim League, whom offered concessions to religious groups, and thus appeared antagonistic to the Musharraf-regime.

Competing integrated Islamisms

The MMA's fresh inception into political plane as a party most used to garnering support on the street, the political processes of Parliament quickly tested its ideological strength. However, due to the competing factions within the alliance, each of which were self-proclaimed defendants of an Islam, MMA ideology was shirked for individual or group allegiances. Due to such ideological differences, intra-party fissures and divisions arose early in the MMA's existence. For instance, following the general elections in 2002 the JUI(S) led by Sami-ul-Haq claimed the alliance's politics and policy had been usurped by the JI and JUI(F), disadvantaging the smaller constituents of the MMA. In 2004, Sami-ul-Haq informally seceded, citing the MMA had failed in its implementation of Sharia, had fell silent regarding military presence in tribal areas, raids on mosques, and the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan.

In 2005, a veteran of the JI was expelled from the MMA for dissenting from the alliance, and registering to contest an election against the coalition. Due to the MMA’s undemocratic nature and monopolization by the JI and JUI(F), Pir Muhammad defected, forming a "forward bloc" of the MMA's in the National Assembly. To highlight unraveling of the alliance, although the JI's Hussain Ahmad officially revoked Pir Muhammad’s affiliation with the MMA, JUI(F)'s Fazal-ur-Rehman declared the JI dissident as an honorary member of the MMA, given he withdrew his name right before the electoral process. Issues such as these have pitted the JI and JIUF against one another in series of contentions.

The most publicized of such fissures occurred as the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Chief Minister Akram Khan Durrani defied Qazi Hussain Ahmed and the JI in attending the National Security Council meeting. Following rows of accusations of the MMA’s close relationship with the government, the coalition attempted to distance itself from the Musharraf regime, including absence from the NSC. After the 2005 earthquake in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Durrani attended the NSC in an attempt to gain federal relief funds. The issue exacerbated the once already prevalent fissure between the JI and JIUF, for the JUIF’s constituents found it necessary for Durrani to attend, whereas the JI leader vehemently opposed.

As the two most established organizations of the MMA diverted, the party began to unravel during the 2005 general elections. The JI and JIU-F fielded separate candidates in its strongholds, and aligned with the Awami National Party (ANP) and the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), respectively. Due to such a split, the two parties performed poorly, for the JI garnered 91 of the Frontier’s 986 seats for Union Council nazims, whereas the JUI-F secured 161 seats.

However, the formation of the MMA, on the basis of anti-American, anti-Musharraf, and pro-Islam platforms, coalesced solely in the context of a perceived moment of crisis. As the pressures which brought them in tandem eased, and domestic issues such as unemployment and social issues arose, the binding conditions of the coalition unraveled. As the Parliament began to functionally operate for the first time after the 1999 coup, a domestic agenda was established, thus forcing the MMA, centrally lacking organization, to engage in the democratic nature of party politics. Such processes highlighted the fissures and competing ideologies within the MMA, where interests and partisanship resulted in different responses to situations. The fact remains that the MMA’s political experience derived from establishing street power, however translating such into a coherent, effective ideology was precarious, and thus was exposed by the accountable, rigorous forces of the democratic process. The fact that the MMA lacked the resources and institutions to succeed in the democratic process can be ascribed to its competing Islamisms, where differences in the successful elections of 2002 were not buried, yet instead, evaded.

Corruption and Failure to Deliver

Without the ability to engage in realpolitik, the MMA's limited tenure within the alliance became apparent, resulting in widespread organizational and individual corruption. Due to such, the MMA functioned independent of the public, and thus lost its street credibility. Withdrawal from the populist platform, the strongest cadre of MMA support resulted in opposition by most facets of the civilian government and the public. Without legitimacy, the MMA's preservation was implausible for the political culture and democratic institutions did not allow for such an alliance to persist.

In 2003, as part of the Annual Development Report published by the World Bank, the MMA had breached several agreements with the organization, and most notably its constituents. The report delineated the widespread corruption in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government, where under-the-table favors and irregularities in the postings of officials in accordance with familiarity as opposed to merit were pervasive. In addition, The Herald reported privatization of certain sectors of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa as encouraged by the World Bank allowed government officials to pawn industries off to business associates and cronies. In fact, it is stated that a high-ranking official in Peshawar’s city government was replaced when inhibiting such transactions.

Political scandals

In 2005, scandal occurred in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa after the police inaction regarding a violent incident where a young woman was paraded at gunpoint in Qazi Hussain Ahmed’s native district of Nowshera. Eventually, the girl was rescued by relatives, and an immediate case was filed, yet the reaction, or lack thereof, is what sparked controversy. The MMA refused to address the issue, defending the police and its impassivity in the case. A few months later, MMA officials were accused of distributing the medical-school examinations to prominent families in Abbottabad and Peshawar. Although swift arrests were made following the incident, the image of the MMA as a supporter of the lower-middle class was tarnished, given such a leak came from within the party. Capping off the MMA’s year came the purchase of two French Alloute-II helicopters to serve as official transportation for the province’s officials. Serious claims were made against the government, for a price tag of 105 million rupees, with an additional 40-million-rupee annual maintenance fee, did not fare well for a province where about half of its resident living at or below the poverty line. With such frequent rows of corruption, the party’s legitimacy was quickly lost.

In addition, one of the driving forces to its election in 2002 was its guarantee in providing jobs and ameliorating the fragile economy of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. However, the MMA’s policies further deteriorated the economic and development progress of the province. Due to its attempted eradication of music in public spaces, local cinemas and hotels, and most notably its vehement rejection of the advertisement industry and its use of women on its billboards, tourism and federal funding for the province was severely cut. In addition, due to its lack of proper management of World Bank development funds, a large chunk of the year’s allotted funds were withheld. The MMA failed to follow the realpolitik nature of Pakistani politics, quickly pitting all other civilian parties against the coalition, and failed to provide the goods promised to its constituents in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

Criticism

Since 1947, the MMA was the major Islamic political alliance but was strongly criticized by the PPP at the public circle for using the religion in an attempt to MMA's aspirations to establish a complete theocracy in Pakistan. Though Pakistan is a Muslim country and its constitution declares Shar'iah as the law, there is not a unified consensus on what is shariah and what is not. Although, the MMA has been able to exert a great deal of power over the poorest and least educated areasof Pakistan, it has been completely prevented and unable from influencing the foreign policy.

The MMA highly opposed and became critical of Pakistan's bilateral relations with the United States and its role in the War on Terror. Furthermore, the MMA's had espoused a great inability to influence any economic, monetary, and banking policies, whereas the MMA has demanded in Parliament that the interest banking system be banned (the MMA's opposition has pointed out that the government itself would be unable to continue to operate without borrowing money from foreign banks). At the public circle, the MMA was suspicious by many civil society as the MMA, by virtue of its nature as a professedly religious Islamic party, openly states it desires the establishment of a theocracy, and does not believe in the Western notion of a democracy. The MMA have sought to implement controversial legislation in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, such as the proposed Shariat and Hisbah bills. The bills are disputed – some Pakistanis regard this as a serious abuse of government power and violation of human rights, while Islamic parties regard it as the implementation of legitimate Islamic laws, in line with the constitution of Pakistan, which makes it avowedly clear the fact that Pakistan is an Islamic republic with the law of Shari'a supreme.

The Governor of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has vowed that it will not be implemented and President Pervez Musharraf filed a reference against it in the Supreme Court. The bench led by Chief Justice of Pakistan declared certain clauses unconstitutional and directed the Governor not to sign it into law until it is revised. In a detailed verdict released on 1 September 2005, the Supreme Court stated that other clauses of the bill can be challenged as well. However, the elected senate approved over 90% of the bill.

War on Terror

Besides of their severe criticism of the War on Terrorism, ambiguous attitude towards terrorism, and opposition to President Musharraf, the MMA have not interfered in anti-terrorism operations, whether it is law enforcement or military or paramilitary action.

"Hudood" Law controversy

Main article: Hudood ordinance

The MMA threatened to resign from national and provincial assemblies in protest after Pakistan's parliament amended laws to transfer rape cases from its 'Sharia' courts to civil courts.

Sharia courts in Pakistan, which claim to be based on Islamic law, try rape cases under "Hudood" Ordinances instituted in 1979. According to critics of the ordinance, a rape victim could face adultery (or fornication if unmarried) charges unless she can produce four male Muslim witnesses of good character to her rape. Failing to do so entails a maximum sentence for adultery is death by stoning. However, Mufti Taqi Usmani, an instrumental figuring in making the Hudud Laws, has stated "If anyone says that she was punished because of Qazaf (false accusation of rape) then Qazaf Ordinance, Clause no. 3, Exemption no. 2 clearly states that if someone approaches the legal authorities with a rape complaint, she cannot be punished in case she is unable to present 4 witnesses. No court of law can be in its right mind to award such a punishment."

The Hudood Ordinances are widely condemned by women's rights groups in Pakistan, by some Islamists globally, and by international human rights groups such as Human Rights Watch.

See also

• Qazi Hussain Ahmad
• Prof. Ghafoor Ahmed
• Khurshid Ahmad
• Majlis-e-Ahrar-ul-Islam
• Abdul Latif Khalid Cheema
• Liaqat Baloch
• Women's Protection Bill

External links

• mma.org.pk – Official web site
• Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan (A key member of MMA)
• Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA)