Conservatism in Italy

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Conservatism in Italy is the political philosophy and ideology of conservatism as it has developed in Italy. It seeks to uphold Italian culture with an emphasis on familialism and patriotism and is historically strongly associated with clericalism and monarchism as well as anti-communism. It has been a dominant ideology throughout Italy's modern history although with different expressions: during the interwar era it merged with fascism into a form of ultraconservatism, while the post-war era was characterised by the moderate conservatism of centre-right Christian democracy. Southern Italy is more traditionalist and patriotic, while northern Italy is more capitalist.

History

19th century

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"The whole Italian question is implicated in the Neapolitan question. As long as order reigns in Naples, it will be difficult to disturb it in the rest of Italy; and this is why the revolution is concentrating its efforts on the southern part of the peninsula. The dam that the King of Naples put up against the revolutionary torrent protected all the Italian states. Defending the cause of order in Naples, in other words the cause of the monarchy, meant defending conservative interests in Italy and Europe." — Jules Gondon in The State of the Neapolitan Question (1857).[1]

A catholic, conservative, legitimist and anti-liberal political tradition had existed in the Subalpine Parliament of the Kingdom of Sardinia during the so-called ‘decade of preparation’ (1850s), in which Cavour and his governments prepared for the Austro-Sardinian War and territorial unification by passing decisive secularist and anticlerical laws aimed at diminishing the social influence of the Church in Piedmont and indirectly opposing the Papal States. In this period, the Catholic monarchists opposed to this government irreligious and expansionist policy grouped together in a parliamentary group distinct from the ordinary Historical Right (which had been compactly aligned on liberal positions since the government of Massimo d'Azeglio). The group's moral leader was Clemente Solaro della Margarita, former Minister of Foreign Affairs under Charles Albert.

Solaro della Margarita, Sallier della Torre, Emiliano Avogadro della Motta and Ignazio Costa della Torre, formed a small group of intransigents in opposition not only to Cavour's policy, but also to the formation of a constitutional and national right-wing alternative, which Ottavio Thaon di Revel's policy was aiming at in those years, and thus facilitated Cavour's work.

In 1861, the first political elections of the Kingdom of Italy were held. The ecclesiastical authority did not officially impose or advise against abstentionism, however Giacomo Margotti, director of the Catholic newspaper L'Armonia, openly spoke out for the abstention of the Catholic electorate by signing the editorial "Neither elected nor voters", published on 7 January 1861.

The magazine Il Conservatore, founded by Giambattista Casoni and Marcellino Venturoli (1828–1903) in Bologna, — with a "Catholic and Italian" programme, practically intransigent — appeared in 1863 dedicated to defend the temporal power of the Church.

In the following years, there were several official pronouncements by various Vatican bodies in favour of abstentionism. In June and September 1864 and in February and March 1865, the Apostolic Penitentiary, the first of the tribunals of the Roman Curia, had responded negatively to a number of petitions requesting clarification on the behaviour of Catholics in the elections.[2] An exception was the intervention of 1 December 1866, in which the dicastery stated that a Catholic deputy could accept parliamentary office "on condition that he publicly declares his intention never to approve laws contrary to the Church". This declaration was interpreted in different ways and provoked further disagreements. On 30 January 1868, at the initiative of the Piedmontese bishops, who asked whether it was permissible for Catholics to participate in political elections, the Congregation on the Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs responded with a non expedit, i.e. ‘it is not convenient’, a line that was later confirmed.[3]

Post-unification era

In 1871 the Parliament of the Kingdom passed the Law of Papal Guarantees. Pope Pius IX and his successors refused to recognize the new law, declared themselves prisoners of the Vatican and would not touch the annuity conceded by the Italian state. For many years they did not admit the legal existence of unified Italy. The King himself was excommunicated. This ostracism was softened in course of time but the process was slow and meanwhile the prolonged estrangement of the Catholics prevented the growth of a conservative party in Italy. The Apostolic Penitentiary reiterated the non expedit in a communication to the Italian bishops on 10 September 1874, in which it established a sanction for those who would participate in elections.[lower-alpha 1]

From the death of Camillo Benso in 1861 to the fall of the Minghetti Cabinet in 1876, the Government of Italy was in the hands of those who had been his subordinates, or of others who had been, to a greater or less extent, his adherents.

The first idea of a conservative Catholic party that accepted an unified Italian State and its institutions arose in 1878. Count Paolano Manassei, who was later a Senator of the Kingdom, expressed this idea to Count Federico Sclopis, and the latter warmly adhered to it, writing:

No one wants an agreement between the religious authority and the civil power in Italy more than I do, indeed I believe that the fate of the Italian Kingdom will not be secure unless such a rapprochement is achieved.

I would like, as you also wish, to see the formation of a true national conservative party, one that would assert itself with purely religious and liberal views; I mean of true religion not marred by party spirit, and of true liberalism not infected with revolutionary plague. But I fear that a demonstration in the sense that you hint at, instead of a conciliation, would be a more crude disagreement between the two parties, who would like to put themselves on the path of conciliation.[5]

The desire for conciliation between Church and State appeared among more Catholic notabilities, and Count Valperga di Masino became the proponent of this desire.[6] He was joined by many of Italy's conservatives. In Rome, one of the gatherers of the group's scattered ranks was Roberto Stuart, a well-known journalist and man of letters. The Historical Right did not look kindly on the new Conservative Party. Quintino Sella stated bluntly in a letter to Alberto Cavalletto that the programme of the conservatives was the negation of that of Count of Cavour, which had always been the programme of the Historical Right,[lower-alpha 2] because while the latter wanted the complete separation of the state from the church, the new Conservative party demanded the participation of the Catholic Church in certain matters for the benefit of the nation.[lower-alpha 3]

Around 20 February 1878, the presumptive new party held meetings in the house of Count Paolo Di Campello,[8] which were attended by the Marquis of Bavaria, the Prince of Sulmona, Prince Chigi and Marquis Ferraioli. From the Marches and Emilia had come to Rome, for that purpose, the marquis Connestabile della Staffa, and the deputy Bortolucci, who for many years, and even during the discussions for the suppression of religious corporations, had found himself the sole representative in the Chamber of the ideas of the new party. Florence had sent Marquis Burbon del Monte, Giovanbattista Grassi and Guido Falorsi; Bologna Count Malvezzi and Alfonso Rubbiani; Milan Count Melzi.

Until the Lateran Pacts, the papacy official policy was to have no legal connection with the Italian government. After the death of Pope Pius IX in 1878, only eight cardinals out of thirty-eight voted to hold the conclave in Rome, whereas all the others thought that the election should be held somewhere else in Europe.

In 1879, after the attempted assassination of Umberto I, Father Anastasio Bocci wrote a public letter to the Marquess Giacomo Ugo Spinola (1852–1918), proposing again the constitution of a conservative party in Italy.[9] La Civiltà Cattolica bitterly critized the work: "we are necessarily led to think that the principles and temperaments of those conciliatory men, who are the conservatives, in reality, though Bocci does not warn against it, go further than what a sincere Catholic can reasonably concede."[10] An opuscule by the Marquis Ferraioli, which stated that Catholics should enter parliament not as an isolated group, but rather as the base and nucleus of a broad party, — to which other fractions of the current parties could also join — had already been received in similar fashion:

Certainly the conservative tendency, as a consequence of being, is inherent in every society, but that is not enough to make it honest and legitimate. Even an association of brigands tends to conserve itself; but this does not make any gentleman dare to become its representative and champion. It is true that in the sense in which Ferraioli takes it, the preservation of society is meant, as far as its principles of religion, morality, order, justice and common welfare are concerned. But it cannot be denied that the meaning in itself can also extend to other things, not worthy of preservation; and this is the reason why the title of Conservative seemed to us from the outset not well chosen, given its equivocation in the present circumstances of Italy. We would have liked the name Catholic even better.[11]

Articles in L'Unità Cattolica and L'Osservatore Romano suggested that the Vatican was no longer adamantly opposed to the intervention of Catholics at the ballot box. However, L'Unità wanted faithful deputies in the Chamber of Deputies to fight openly against the government, just as in France the legitimist deputies fought openly against the Third Republic. Roberto Stuart campaigned in the second iteration of Il Conservatore, which was short-lived. The controversy was abruptly ended by Pope Leo XIII, who, when receiving journalists, made an allusion to the promoters of the new conservative party "who presume to cut short and define public controversies concerning the conditions of the Apostolic See at their own discretion, and seem to opine differently from what the dignity and freedom of the Sovereign Pontiff requires".[12]

In the 1886 elections Giovanni Battista Scalabrini, Bishop of Piacenza, who defended the position of the "clerical-constitutional" faction in his publication Intransigenti e Transigenti (1885), privately allowed Catholics to go to the polls in accord with the instructions he had received from the Holy See in 1882.[lower-alpha 4] In Milan, when the bitter struggle between Thomists and Rosminians was being fought, such men as Stefano Jacini cherished the hope of being able to create a conservative-Catholic-national party in the manner of Belgium and Germany. Around the same time Antonio Stoppani founded a short-lived magazine, under the title Il Rosmini: Enciclopedia di scienze e lettere (1887–1889), intended to "fight the intransigents for as long as it would take".[13]

Concerned about the political crisis of the Historical Right under the Marquess of Rudinì and opposed to the advent of the Left to power, Deputy Leopoldo Franchetti suggested the creation of a radical-conservative party[14] "for the health of Italy."[15]

20th century

The formation of a conservative party in Italy would not be possible, the Milanese Senator Gaetano Negri believed, "because such a party can arise only on the basis of the Church. In fact a truly conservative party is necessarily a party that stands still. Well, in the modern world, which is whirling round dizzily, only the Church is strong enough to stand still, since the reasons for her stillness are not passing, relative considerations and interest, but a “motionless end of eternal wisdom”. The Church will never give the new Italy ‘this conservative, resisting force, and there is no point in dreaming that what is called conciliation may come about. It will not come about because, in order to reach it, the modern state, in exchange for what she took from her, would have to give the Church rights and privileges incompatible with the essential reasons of her own existence".[16]

In October 1904 the assembly of representatives of the Conservative Associations suspended the proclamation of the candidates for the following month's election, as there had been lively disagreements over the candidature of the clerical Marquis Cornaggia. In the eve of the election day (which marked the end of the non expedit), Cornaggia spoke openly to his electorate against any idea of a modern organised Catholic party and in favour of a "strong clerical-conservative party of order", active essentially at parliamentary level.[17]

In 1910 Giuseppe Avarna, Sonnino's ambassador in Vienna, attempted to explain why Italy never had a Conservative party up to that point:

Italy has not had a true conservative party so far, and the reason is clear. Our present political regime is not, like the English one, the effect of the incessant but gradual evolution of a long existing regime, but is entirely new and was inaugurated, partly by violence, on the ruins of many ancient regimes. In four-fifths of the Italian territory nothing was preserved of what had previously existed; everything, political institutions, codes, administrative practices, municipal constitutions, relations between State and Church, everything had to be changed and in a very few years it was. How would a conservative party have arisen when it was obviously impossible to preserve anything! Moreover, those who are supposed to be the main nucleus of that party everywhere, opposed the unifying movement and liberal institutions in every way and, when all hostility was impossible, stood aside and remained for a long time as foreigners in their own country.[18]

Interwar period

After World War I, the country saw the emergence of its first mass parties, notably including the Italian People's Party (PPI), a Christian-democratic party that sought to represent the Catholic majority, which had long refrained from politics. The PPI and the Italian Socialist Party decisively contributed to the loss of strength and authority of the old liberal ruling class, which had not been able to structure itself into a proper party: the Liberal Union was not coherent and the Italian Liberal Party came too late.

In 1921, Benito Mussolini founded the National Fascist Party (PNF), and the next year, through the March on Rome, he was appointed Prime Minister by King Victor Emmanuel III. Fascism originated as a populist, revolutionary, anti-royalist, anti-clerical, and anti-conservative ideology,[19] viewed by many socialists as a leftist heresy rather than a rightist opponent; but it transformed and became a distinct phenomenon when it made compromises with the Italian political establishment in order to consolidate authority and suppress communist movements.[20][21] The Fascist government accepted the coexistence of the Monarchy and the Catholic Church, which in Hannah Arendt's analysis sufficed to exclude it from the category of totalitarianism. Mussolini commented on the dynamic pragmatism of fascism:

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We do not believe in dogmatic programs. . . . We permit ourselves the luxury of being aristocratic and democratic, conservative and progressive, reactionary and revolutionary, legalists and illegalists, according to the circumstances of the moment, the place and the environment.[22]

In 1926, all parties were dissolved except the PNF, which remained the only legal party in the Kingdom of Italy until the fall of the regime in July 1943. Operating in this environment, Gaetano Nino Serventi, Giuseppe Brunati, Giuseppe Attilio Fanelli, Alessandro Augusto Monti della Corte and Nino Guglielmi — just to name a few — represented a right-wing component in fascism with their magazines and newspapers: Il Veltro, La Monarchia, Il Sabaudo, Meridiano di Roma, Secolo fascista. This faction was the bearer of a monarchical and integralist vein that feared that fascism could be polluted, as Fanelli wrote, "by presences of the old ethical, political, social and cultural junk that represents the degeneration of the past, the victory of “89”".

There was a definite pro-Fascist movement among Italian Catholic writers, culminating in the Florentine magazine Il Frontespizio (1931–1942).[23] This was essentially a coming together of several distinct currents and personalities: the translator of Richard Wagner's dramatic poetry, Guido Manacorda, the veteran of La Torre, Domenico Giuliotti, self-conscious writers of local color such as Piero Bargellini and Tito Casini, and the self-styled "Socialist in reverse"[24] Giovanni Papini. What united them all was a rejection of the dominant Italian school of thought, post-Hegelian idealism, both in its Liberal form with Croce and in its new incarnation with Giovanni Gentile. Pietro Mignosi's La Tradizione, another anti-idealist publication, this time with a Thomist orientation, had already appeared a few years previously in Palermo.[lower-alpha 5]

In 1931, Giuseppe Dalla Torre, then editor-in-chief of L'Osservatore Romano, had to move with his family to the Vatican City for security reasons in order to evade arrest by Fascist authorities.

Post-war era

In 1946, a referendum was held concerning the fate of the monarchy. While southern Italy and parts of northern Italy were royalist, other parts, especially in central Italy, were predominantly republican. The outcome was 54–46% in favour of a republic, leading to a collapse of the monarchy.[26] Eleven days later, the Italian monarchist movement, led by Alfredo Covelli and financially supported by Achille Lauro, founded the Monarchist National Party (PNM).

The eccentric writer Antonio Delfini, who supported the monarchy in 1946, published a Manifesto for a Conservative Communist Party (1951), in which he stated the need for a Conservative politics for administrating land, but a Communist approach to industry.[27]

Modern era

In 1994, entrepreneur and media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi founded the liberal-conservative party Forza Italia (FI). He won three elections in 1994, 2001, and 2008, governing the country for almost ten years as prime minister. FI formed a coalitions with several parties, including the national-conservative National Alliance (AN), heir of the MSI, and the regionalist Lega Nord (LN). FI was briefly incorporated, along with AN, in The People of Freedom party and later revived in the new Forza Italia.[28] After the 2018 general election, the LN and the Five Star Movement formed a populist government, which lasted about a year.[29] In the 2022 general election, a centre-right coalition came to power, this time dominated by Brothers of Italy (FdI), a new national-conservative party born on the ashes of AN. Consequently, FdI, the re-branded Lega, and FI formed a government under FdI leader Giorgia Meloni.

Notes

Footnotes

  1. ↑ The Roman Union had been in existence since November 1871 with the consent of Pope Pius IX, to whom it seemed that the participation of Catholics in the administration of municipalities and provinces was compatible with obedience to the Holy See.[4]
  2. ↑ In the words of Eugenio Torelli Viollier, Cavour respected the Catholics, but "did not give them his friendship, and in his memorable testament he well declared that if a conservative party was formed, he would switch to the left".[7]
  3. ↑ The Historical Right was dominated from 1860 to 1876 (also after it was no more at the govern) by the leadership of elected Representatives from Emilia Romagna (1860–1864) and Tuscany (1864–1876), known as the Consorteria, with the support of the Lombard and Southern Italian representatives. The majority of the Piemontese liberal-conservative representatives, but not all of them, organized themselves as the all-Piemontese party's minority: the Permanent Liberal Association, who sometimes voted with the Historical Left and whose leading representative was Sella. The party's majority was also weakened by the substantial differences between the effective liberal-conservative (Toscano and Emiliano) leadership and Lombards on one side and the quietly conservative Southern and "Transigent Roman Catholic" components on the other side.
  4. ↑ That in order to prevent greater evils one could privately tell to the electors who should ask the Church authorities for an opinion, that in such case, taking part in the elections was not in itself illicit.
  5. ↑ On May 14 and 15, 1933, the staff of the Sapienza University, aided by many of the futurists, organized an Anti-Idealist Convention in Rome to demonstrate the widespread opposition to Gentilean doctrines throughout Italy. Declarations of support came from leading intellectual figures such as Carlo Curcio, Gino Arias, Emilio Bodrero, and Ruggero Zangrandi.[25]

Citations

  1. ↑ Gondon, Jules (1857). L'état de la question napolitaine, d'après les documents officiels communiqués aux deux chambres du parlement britannique. Paris: Ambroise Bray/Londres: Charles Dolman, p. 4.
  2. ↑ Tamburini, Filippo (1987). "Il non expedit negli atti della Penitenzieria apostolica," Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, Vol. XLI, pp. 128–51.
  3. ↑ Marotta, Saretta (2014). "L'evoluzione del dibattito sul «non expedit» all'interno della Curia romana tra il 1860 e il 1889," Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia, Vol. LXVIII, No. 1, pp. 95–164.
  4. ↑ Campello della Spina, Paolo (1910). Ricordi di 50 anni: dal 1840-1890. Spoleto: Umbria.
  5. ↑ Sclopis, Federico (1879). "Il testamentu d'un Conservatore," Fanfulla, Anno X, No. 3, p. 1.
  6. ↑ Anon. (1879). "Il disegno d'un partito conservatore in Italia," La Civiltà cattolica, Vol. IX, pp. 276–90.
  7. ↑ Cammarano, Fulvio (1990). Il progresso moderato: Unopposizione liberale nella svolta dellItalia crispina, 1887-1892. Bologna: il Mulino, p. 121.
  8. ↑ Ignesti, Giuseppe (1988). Il tentativo conciliatorista del 1878-1879: le riunioni romane di Casa Campello. Roma: Ed. AVE.
  9. ↑ Bocci, Anastasio (1879). I complici del regicidio e i cattolici conservatori in Italia. Lettera al Marchese Ugo Spinola. Pistoia: Fratelli Bracali.
  10. ↑ Anon. (1879). "I complici del Regicidio e i cattolici conservatori in Italia. Lettera di A. Bocci al Marchese G. Ugo Spinola," La Civiltà cattolica, Vol. XI, p. 473.
  11. ↑ Anon. (1879). "Del pensiero politico in Italia e di un partito conservatore: studio di Alessandro Ferraioli," La Civiltà cattolica, Vol. X, p. 323. See also Cocorda, Oscar (1879). Dei conservatori e del metodo sperimentale in Italia: a proposito dell'opuscolo di Alessandro Ferraioli. Roma: Alberto Chiera.
  12. ↑ Tittoni, Tommaso (1929). "Ricordi personali di politica interna," Nuova Antologia, Vol. CCLXIV, p. 311.
  13. ↑ Zanoni, Elena (2020). "Stoppani and «Il Rosmini». The Rosminian Influence on the Thinking of the Naturalist Priest Antonio Stoppani and his Involvement in the Conciliarist Cause," Rosmini Studies, No. 7, p. 250.
  14. ↑ Papa, Ulisse (1898). "Il partito radicale conservatore in Italia," La riforma sociale, Anno 5, Vol. VIII, pp. 157–79.
  15. ↑ Franchetti, Leopoldo (1897). "Dal ministerialismo all'opposizione," Nuova Antologia, Vol. CLVI, p. 176.
  16. ↑ Ranchetti, Michele (1969). The Catholic Modernists: A Study of the Religious Reform Movement, 1864-1907. London: Oxford University Press, p. 107.
  17. ↑ Pizzetti, Silvia (1983). "Cornaggia Medici Castiglioni, Carlo Ottavio." In: Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Vol. 29. Roma: Istituto dell'Enciclopedia Italiana.
  18. ↑ Avarna, Giuseppe (1910). "Necessità d'una ricostituzione dei partiti politici," La rassegna nazionale, Vol. CLXXI, p. 127.
  19. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  20. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  21. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  22. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  23. ↑ Mazza, Maria Serafina (1948). Not for Art's Sake: The Story of Il Frontespizio. New York: King's Crown Press.
  24. ↑ Whitfield, John H. (1980). A Short History of Italian Literature. Manchester: Manchester University Press, p. 274.
  25. ↑ Ledeen, Michael (1972). Universal Fascism: The Theory and Practice of the Fascist International, 1928–1936. New York: Howard Fertig, p. 40.
  26. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  27. ↑ Garbin, Barbara (2007). "Antonio Delfini (1907-1963)." In: Gaetana Marrone, ed., Encyclopedia of Italian Literary Studies, Vol. 1: A-J. New York: Routledge, p. 597.
  28. ↑ Daniele Albertazzi, et al., eds. Resisting the tide: cultures of opposition under Berlusconi (2001–06) (Bloomsbury Publishing USA, 2009).
  29. ↑ Antonino Castaldo, and Luca Verzichelli. "Technocratic populism in Italy after Berlusconi: The trendsetter and his disciples." Politics and Governance 8.4 (2020): 485–495.

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