Cultural appropriation

From Infogalactic: the planetary knowledge core
(Redirected from Cultural Appropriation)
Jump to: navigation, search

Cultural appropriation is the adoption or use of the elements of one culture by members of another culture.[1] Cultural appropriation is sometimes portrayed as harmful, framed as cultural misappropriation, and claimed to be a violation of the collective intellectual property rights of the originating culture.[2][3][4][5] Often unavoidable when multiple cultures come together, cultural appropriation can include using other cultures' traditions, fashion, symbols, language, and cultural songs without permission.[6] According to critics of the practice, cultural (mis)appropriation differs from acculturation, assimilation, or cultural exchange in that the "appropriation" or "misappropriation" refers to the adoption of these cultural elements in a colonial manner: elements are copied from a minority culture by members of a dominant culture, and these elements are used outside of their original cultural context—sometimes even against the expressly stated wishes of representatives of the originating culture.[5][7][8][9]

Often, the original meaning of these cultural elements is lost or distorted, and such displays are often viewed as disrespectful by members of the originating culture, or even as a form of desecration.[7][10][11][12] Cultural elements which may have deep meaning to the original culture may be reduced to "exotic" fashion by those from the dominant culture.[7][8][13] Kjerstin Johnson has written that, when this is done, the imitator, "who does not experience that oppression is able to 'play', temporarily, an 'exotic' other, without experiencing any of the daily discriminations faced by other cultures."[13] The African-American academic, musician and journalist Greg Tate argues that appropriation and the "fetishizing" of cultures in fact alienates those whose culture is being appropriated as it removes their intellectual, social and political agency over what is cultural produced.[14]

Conversely, cultural appropriation or borrowing can be viewed as inevitable and a contribution to diversity and free expression.[15] This view distinguishes outright theft of cultural artifacts or exotic stereotyping from more benign borrowing or appreciation. Cultural borrowing and cross-fertilization is seen by proponents as a generally positive thing, and as something which is usually done out of admiration of the cultures being imitated, with no intent to harm them.[16][17]

Trans-cultural diffusion has occurred throughout history and is subject of study by a variety of academic disciplines, including folkloristics, cultural anthropology and cultural geography.

Overview

Cultural appropriation can involve the use of ideas, symbols, artifacts, or other aspects of human-made visual or non-visual culture.[18] Anthropologists study the various processes of cultural borrowing, "appropriation," and cultural exchange (which includes art and urbanism), as part of cultural evolution and contact between different cultures.[19]

As a concept that is controversial in its applications, the propriety of cultural appropriation has been the subject of much debate. Opponents of cultural appropriation view many instances as wrongful misappropriation when the subject culture is a minority culture or is subordinated in social, political, economic, or military status to the dominant culture[12][13] or when there are other issues involved, such as a history of ethnic or racial conflict.[8] This is often seen in cultural outsiders' use of an oppressed culture's symbols or other cultural elements, such as music, dance, spiritual ceremonies, modes of dress, speech, and social behaviour,[20] notably when these elements are trivialized and used for fashion, rather than respected within their original cultural context. Opponents view the issues of colonialism, context, and the difference between appropriation and mutual exchange as central to analyzing cultural appropriation. They argue that mutual exchange happens on an "even playing field", whereas appropriation involves pieces of an oppressed culture being taken out of context by a people who have historically oppressed those they are taking from, and who lack the cultural context to properly understand, respect, or utilize these elements.[8][9][21]

A different view of cultural appropriation characterizes critics of the practice as "engaged in a deeply conservative project: one which first seeks to preserve in formaldehyde the content of an established culture and second tries to prevent others from interacting with that culture."[22] On the contrary, cultures as they exist now are themselves the products of previous instances of cultural appropriation.[15][16] Appropriation can be wrongful under this view, but the wrongfulness is determined by the intent of the appropriator and not the perceived power dynamics between the cultures.[15] Proponents of cultural appropriation view it as often benign or mutually beneficial, citing mutation, product diversity, technological diffusion, and cultural empathy as among its benefits.[23] For example, the film Star Wars appropriated elements from Akira Kurosawa's The Hidden Fortress, which itself appropriated elements from Shakespeare; culture in the aggregate is arguably better off for each instance of appropriation. Fusion between cultures has produced such foods as American Chinese cuisine, modern Japanese sushi, and bánh mì, each of which is sometimes argued to reflect part of its respective culture's identity.[22]

Academic study

Cultural and racial theorist George Lipsitz used the term "strategic anti-essentialism" to refer to the calculated use of a cultural form, outside of your own, to define yourself or your group. Strategic anti-essentialism can be seen in both minority cultures and majority cultures, and is not confined only to the use of the other. However, Lipsitz argues, when the majority culture attempts to strategically anti-essentialize itself by appropriating a minority culture, it must take great care to recognize the specific socio-historical circumstances and significance of these cultural forms so as not to perpetuate the already existing majority vs. minority unequal power relations.[24]

Examples

Art, iconography, and adornment

A war bonnet

A common example of cultural appropriation is the adoption of the iconography of another culture, and using it for purposes that are unintended by the original culture or even offensive to that culture's mores. Examples include sports teams using Native American tribal names or images as mascots; wearing jewelry or fashion with religious symbols such as the war bonnet,[12] medicine wheel, or cross without any belief in those religions; and mimicking iconography from another culture's history such as tattoos of Polynesian tribal iconography, Chinese characters, or Celtic art worn without regard to their original cultural significance. Critics of the practice of cultural appropriation contend that divorcing this iconography from its cultural context or treating it as kitsch risks offending people who venerate and wish to preserve their cultural traditions.[12][9][25][26][27]

In Australia, Aboriginal artists have discussed an "authenticity brand" to ensure consumers are aware of artworks claiming false Aboriginal significance.[28][29] The movement for such a measure gained momentum after the 1999 conviction of John O'Loughlin for the fraudulent sale of works described as Aboriginal but painted by non-indigenous artists.[30]

Historically, some of the most hotly debated cases of cultural appropriation have occurred in places where cultural exchange is the highest, such as along the trade routes in southwestern Asia and southeastern Europe. Some scholars of the Ottoman Empire and ancient Egypt argue that Ottoman and Egyptian architectural traditions have long been falsely claimed and praised as Persian or Arab.[31]

Religion and spirituality

Fraudulent sweat lodge ceremonies performed by non-Natives have led to injuries and some deaths.[32][33][34][35][36] Among critics, the misuse and misrepresentation of indigenous intellectual property is seen as an exploitative form of colonialism, and one step in the destruction of indigenous cultures.[37]

The results of this use of indigenous knowledge have led some tribes, and the United Nations General Assembly, to issue several declarations on the subject. The Declaration of War Against Exploiters of Lakota Spirituality includes the passage:

<templatestyles src="Template:Blockquote/styles.css" />

We assert a posture of zero-tolerance for any "white man's shaman" who rises from within our own communities to "authorize" the expropriation of our ceremonial ways by non-Indians; all such "plastic medicine men" are enemies of the Lakota, Dakota and Nakota people.[10][11]

Article 31 1 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples states:<templatestyles src="Template:Blockquote/styles.css" />

Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain, control, protect and develop their cultural heritage, traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions, as well as the manifestations of their sciences, technologies and cultures, including human and genetic resources, seeds, medicines, knowledge of the properties of fauna and flora, oral traditions, literatures, designs, sports and traditional games and visual and performing arts. They also have the right to maintain, control, protect and develop their intellectual property over such cultural heritage, traditional knowledge, and traditional cultural expressions.[3]

In 2015, a group of Native American academics and writers issued a statement against the Rainbow Family members whose acts of "cultural exploitation... dehumanize us as an indigenous Nation because they imply our culture and humanity, like our land, is anyone's for the taking."[38]

Fashion

Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.

Cultural appropriation is controversial[39] in the fashion industry due to the belief that some trends commercialise and cheapen the ancient heritage of indigenous cultures. There is debate about whether designers and fashion houses understand the history behind the clothing they are taking from different cultures, besides the ethical issues of using these cultures' shared intellectual property without consent, acknowledgement, or compensation.[40] In response to this criticism, many fashion experts claim that this occurrence is in fact "culture appreciation",[41] rather than cultural appropriation. Companies and designers claim the use of unique cultural symbols is an effort to recognize and pay homage to that specific culture.[41]

17th century to Victorian era

During the 17th century, the forerunner to the three piece suit was appropriated from the traditional dress of diverse Eastern European and Islamic countries. The Justacorps frock coat was copied from the long zupans worn in Poland and the Ukraine,[42] the necktie or cravat was derived from a scarf worn by Croatian mercenaries fighting for Louis XIII,[43] and the brightly colored silk waistcoats popularised by Charles II of England were inspired by exotic Turkish, Indian and Persian attire acquired by wealthy English travellers.[44]

Less than a generation after the Highland Clearances, the British aristocracy appropriated traditional Scottish clothing. Tartan was given faux association with specific Highland clans after publications such as James Logan's romanticised work The Scottish Gael (1831) led the Scottish tartan industry to invent clan tartans [45] and tartan became a desirable material for dresses, waistcoats and cravats. In America, plaid flannel had become workwear by the time of Westward expansion, and was widely worn by Old West pioneers and cowboys who were not of Scottish descent.[46] In the 21st century, tartan remains ubiquitous in mainstream fashion.[47]

By the 19th century the fascination had shifted to Asian culture. English Regency era dandies adapted the Indian churidars into slim fitting pantaloons, and frequently wore turbans within their own houses. Later, Victorian gentlemen wore smoking caps based on the Islamic fez, and fashionable turn of the century ladies wore Orientalist[48] Japanese inspired kimono dresses.[49][50] During the tiki culture fad of the 1950s, white women frequently donned the qipao to give the impression that they had visited Hong Kong, although the dresses were frequently made by seamstresses in America using rayon rather than genuine silk. At the same time, teenage British Teddy Girls wore Chinese coolie hats due to their exotic connotations.[51]

In Mexico, the sombrero associated with the mestizo peasant class was appropriated from an earlier hat introduced by the Spanish colonials during the 18th century.[52] This, in turn, was adapted into the cowboy hat worn by white Americans after the US Civil War.[53] In 2016, the University of East Anglia prohibited the wearing of sombreros to parties on campus, in the belief that these could offend Mexican students.[54]

Modern era

During the 1920s and 30s, the British bowler hat was appropriated by Quechua and Aymara Indian women in Bolivia,[55] and by various African tribal elders in the British Empire who associated the hat with authority. In Britain, the rough tweed cloth clothing of the Irish and Scottish peasantry, including the flat cap and Irish hat[56] were appropriated by the upper classes as the British country clothing worn for sports such as hunting or fishing, in imitation of the then Prince of Wales.[57] The country clothing, in turn, was appropriated by the wealthy American soc and later preppy subcultures during the 1950s and 1980s due to both its practicality and its association with the English elite.[58]

In Britain, Germany and Japan[59] during the 1950s, young boys began wearing traditional American clothing such as blue jeans[60] and checked western shirts due to their association with the cowboys of the silver screen.[61] The traditional cowboy shirts with pearl snaps would later by revived in Britain and America during the 1970s, 1980s and 2010s[62] as unisex adult fashion.[63] British Teddy Boys appropriated the bolo tie that had previously served as a folk costume in the South Western United States, and wore them with locally tailored imitations of the zoot suit.[64] During their 2011 visit to Canada, Prince William and Kate Middleton appropriated cowboy hats and Western shirts, and posed for photographs which Charles, Prince of Wales criticised as tasteless.[65]

When keffiyehs became popular in the late 2000s, experts made a clear distinction between the wearing of a genuine scarf, and a fake made in China.[66] Palestinian independence activists and socialists denounced the wearing of scarves not made in Palestine as a form of cultural appropriation, but encouraged white indie kids and Muslim youths[67] to buy shemaghs made in the Herbawi[68] factory to demonstrate solidarity with the Palestinian people and improve the economy of the West Bank.[69][70] In 2017, Topshop caused controversy by selling Chinese-made playsuits that imitated the pattern of the keffiyeh.[71]

In 2012 during the annual Victoria's Secret fashion show, model Karlie Kloss was scrutinized for wearing a Native American headdress during her walk on the runaway. There was a mixed public response. People of mixed heritage were the most sensitive to headdress. USA Today ran a feature where they interviewed a woman of mixed heritage who said that the headdress is a symbol of leadership, honour and also has a religious meaning behind it. This cultural meaning was not considered in Victoria’s Secret use of the headdress as an accessory. Victoria's Secret issued an apology stating that they had no intentions of offending anyone.[72][73]

At the 2014 Coachella festival one of the most noted fashion trends was the bindi. The bindi is a traditional Hindu head mark and is a part of the religious culture of Hinduism.[74] As pictures of the festival surfaced online there was public controversy over the casual wearing of the bindi. People were offended because they felt the people wearing the bindi do not understand the meaning behind it.[75]

Hairstyles, makeup and body modifications

  • The leaders of ancient Israel strongly condemned the adoption of Egyptian and Canaanite practises, especially cutting the hair short or shaving the beard. At the same time, the Old Testament distinguishes the religious circumcision of the Hebrews, from cultures such as the Egyptians where the practise had aesthetic or practical purposes.
  • During the 17th century, Louis XIV began wearing powdered wigs to conceal his baldness. Like many other French fashions, these were quickly appropriated by baroque era courtiers in England and the rest of Europe to the extent that men often shaved their heads to ensure their wig fitted properly.
  • During the early 2000s, it was popular for white people to get tribal tattoos appropriated from African and Polynesian culture. Others favoured stretched earlobe piercings known as flesh tunnels, in imitation of those worn by various Aboriginals, and by the Buddha.[77]
  • The wearing of dreadlocks and cornrows by people not of African descent has long been a subject of controversy. In 2017, Shanina Shaik was accused of cultural appropriation for braiding her hair, but in reality hairstyles of this type are traditionally worn by Middle Eastern women beneath the hijab.[78]

Sports

<templatestyles src="Module:Hatnote/styles.css"></templatestyles>

While the history of colonization and marginalization is not unique to the Americas, the practice of non-Native sports teams deriving team names, imagery, and mascots from indigenous peoples is still common in the United States and Canada, and has persisted to some extent despite protests from Indigenous groups. Cornel Pewewardy, Professor and Director of Indigenous Nations Studies at Portland State University, cites indigenous mascots as an example of dysconscious racism which, by placing images of Native American or First Nations people into an invented media context, continues to maintain the superiority of the dominant culture.[79] It is argued that such practices maintain the power relationship between the dominant culture and the indigenous culture, and can be seen as a form of cultural imperialism.[80][81]

Such practices may be seen as particularly harmful in schools and universities which have a stated purpose of promoting ethnic diversity and inclusion.[82] In recognition of the responsibility of higher education to eliminate behaviors that create a hostile environment for education, in 2005 the NCAA initiated a policy against "hostile and abusive" names and mascots that led to the change of many derived from Native American culture, with the exception of those that established an agreement with particular tribes for the use of their specific names. Other schools retain their names because they were founded for the education of Native Americans, and continue to have a significant number of indigenous students. The trend towards the elimination of indigenous names and mascots in local schools has been steady, with two thirds having been eliminated over the past 50 years according to the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI).[83]

While nearly all Native Americans and their tribes object to depictions as sports mascots, only one tribe explicitly approves of such representations. The Florida State Seminoles, which uses the iconography of the Seminole tribe and whose mascots are Osceola and Renegade, a depiction of the Seminole chief Osceola and his Appaloosa horse.[84][85] After the NCAA attempted to ban the use of Native American names and iconography in college sports in 2005, the Seminole Tribe of Florida passed a resolution offering explicit support for FSU's use of Seminole culture and Osceola as a mascot; the university was granted a waiver, citing the close relationship with and consultation between the team and the tribe.[85] In 2013, the tribe's chairman objected to outsiders meddling in tribal approval, stating that the FSU mascot and use of Seminole iconography "represents the courage of the people who were here and are still here, known as the Unconquered Seminoles."[86] Conversely, in 2013, the Seminole Nation of Oklahoma expressed disapproval of "the use of all American Indian sports-team mascots in the public school system, by college and university level and by professional sports teams", and not all members of the tribe's Florida branch are supportive of its stance.[84][85]

In other former colonies in Asia, Africa, and South America, the adoption of indigenous names for majority indigenous teams is also found. There are also ethnicity-related team names derived from prominent immigrant populations in the area, such as the Boston Celtics, the Notre Dame Fighting Irish, and the Minnesota Vikings.

The All Blacks have performed a traditional haka dance (an element of Māori culture) at the start of most of their matches since at least 1905, though a very significant part of those matches (certainly the earlier ones) did not have any, let alone a majority, of indigenous players.[citation needed]

The 2018 Commonwealth Games to be held on the Gold Coast in Australia from 4 April 2018 has named its mascot Borobi, the local Yugambeh word for 'koala'. The Games organising committee used the word without proper consultation with the Yugambeh people, and to compound the cultural appropriation, has sought to trademark the word through IP Australia. The application is being opposed by a Yugambeh cultural heritage organisation.

African-American culture

Example of hip hop fashion

The term wigger (common spelling "wigga") is a slang term for a white person who emulates mannerisms, language, and fashions associated with African-American culture, particularly hip hop, and, in Britain, the grime scene, often implying a failed attempt at cultural appropriation by a white subject.[87][88][89] Wigger is a portmanteau of white and nigger or nigga, and the related term wangsta is a mashup of wannabe or white, and gangsta. Among black hip-hop fans, nigga can sometimes be considered a friendly greeting, but when used by whites, it is always viewed as a racist term.[90] "Wigger" may be derogatory, reflecting stereotypes of African-American, black British, and white culture (when used as synonym of white trash). The term is sometimes used in a racist manner, by other white people to belittle the person perceived as "acting black", but it is also widely used by African Americans like 50 Cent offended by the wigga or wanksta's demeaning of black people and culture.[91]

The phenomenon of white people adopting stereotypical black mannerisms, speech, and apparel has appeared in several generations since slavery was abolished in the Western world. The concept has been documented in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia, and other white-majority countries. An early form of this was the white negro in the jazz and swing music scenes of the 1920s and 1930s, as examined in the 1957 Norman Mailer essay "The White Negro". It was later seen in the zoot suiter of the 1930s and 1940s, the hipster of the 1940s, the beatnik of the 1950s–1960s, the blue-eyed soul of the 1970s, and the hip hop of the 1980s and 1990s. In 1993, an article in the UK newspaper The Independent described the phenomenon of white, middle-class kids who were "wannabe Blacks".[92] 2005 saw the publication of Why White Kids Love Hip Hop: Wangstas, Wiggers, Wannabes, and the New Reality of Race in America by Bakari Kitwana, "a culture critic who's been tracking American hip hop for years".[93]

Robert A. Clift's documentary Blacking Up: Hip-Hop's Remix of Race and Identity questions white enthusiasts of black hip-hop culture. Clift's documentary examines "racial and cultural ownership and authenticity -- a path that begins with the stolen blackness seen in the success of Stephen Foster, Al Jolson, Benny Goodman, Elvis Presley, the Rolling Stones -- all the way up to Vanilla Ice (popular music's ur-wigger...) and Eminem."[94] A review of the documentary refers to the wiggers as "white poseurs", and states that the term wigger "is used both proudly and derisively to describe white enthusiasts of black hip-hop culture".[94]

Language

Minority languages can also be appropriated, such as when non-speakers of Scottish Gaelic or Irish get tattoos in that language.[95][better source needed] Likewise, the use of incorrect Scottish Gaelic in a tokenistic fashion aimed at non-Gaelic speakers on signage and announcements has been criticized[weasel words] as disrespectful to fluent speakers of the language.[96]

During the early 2000s, it was popular for young white people to get tattoos of Indian devanagari, Korean letters or Han characters (traditional, simplified or Japanese), often without knowing their true meanings.[97][98] Asian tattooists responded to this cultural appropriation by tattooing offensive or amusing phrases onto their customers, including Golden Pig, Cheap Whore, Noodles, Hidden Criminal, and Dense Growth Of Bush.[99]

Costumes

During Halloween, some people buy, wear, and sell Halloween costumes based on racial stereotypes.[100][101] Costumes that depict blatant racial stereotypes, like "Indian Warrior" or "Kung Fool" are sometimes worn by people who do not belong to the respective corresponding racial or ethnic group.[102] These costumes have been criticized as being in poor taste at best and, at worst, blatantly racist.[12][13][101] In some cases, theme parties have been held where attendees are encouraged to dress up as stereotypes of a certain racial group.[100][101] A number of these parties have been held at colleges, and at times other than Halloween, including Martin Luther King Jr. Day and Black History Month.[100][101]

Blackface

This reproduction of a 1900 William H. West minstrel show poster, originally published by the Strobridge Litho Co., shows the transformation of a white American actor using blackface makeup. Blackface was both a cultural appropriation of African-American culture and way of portraying racist stereotypes.

Blackface is a form of theatrical makeup used by performers to represent a black person. The practice gained popularity during the 19th century and contributed to the proliferation of negative stereotypes such as the "happy-go-lucky darky on the plantation" or the "dandified coon."[103] In 1848, blackface minstrel shows were popular for general audiences.[104] Early in the 20th century, blackface branched off from the minstrel show and became a form in its own right, until it ended in the United States with the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s.[105] White blackface performers in the past used burnt cork and later greasepaint or shoe polish to blacken their skin and exaggerate their lips, often wearing woolly wigs, gloves, tailcoats, or ragged clothes to complete the transformation. Stereotypes embodied in the stock characters of blackface minstrels played a significant role in cementing and proliferating racist images, attitudes, and perceptions worldwide.[106] Blackface's groundbreaking cultural appropriation[107][108][109] involved not only the appearance of African-Americans but also their mannerisms and dialect. Further cultural appropriation of African-American culture occurs today in the dissemination of African-American cultural expression and its myriad derivative forms in popular culture.[108][110][111]

In the 21st century, some Japanese teenagers follow a fashion known as B Style which appropriates the clothing and hairstyles of stereotypical black rappers.[112] Like the minstrels of the previous century, members of this subculture often darken their skin with makeup or tanning beds.[113][114]

Boy scout dance teams

In chapter four of his book Playing Indian, Native American historian Philip J. Deloria refers to the Koshare Indian Museum and Dancers as an example of "object hobbyists" who adopt the material culture of indigenous peoples of the past ("the vanishing Indian") while failing to engage with contemporary native peoples or acknowledge the history of conquest and dispossession.[115][116] Some Native Americans have stated that all such impersonations and performances are a form of cultural appropriation which place dance and costumes in an inappropriate context devoid of their true meaning, sometimes mixing elements from different tribes.[117]

For 2015, the Koshare's Winter Night dances were canceled after a request was received from Cultural Preservation Office (CPO) of the Hopi Nation asking that the troop discontinue their interpretation of the dances of the Hopi and Pueblo Native Americans.[118] Director of the CPO Leigh Kuwanwisiwma saw video of the performances online, and said the performers were "mimicking our dances, but they were insensitive, as far as I'm concerned."[119] In the 1950s, the head councilman of the Zuni Pueblo saw a performance and said: "We know your hearts are good, but even with good hearts you have done a bad thing." In Zuni culture, religious object and practices are only for those that have earned the right to participate, following techniques and prayers that have been handed down for generations.[120]

There are many other examples of groups associated with scout troops attempting to duplicate Native American dance with varying degrees of authenticity.

Other uses

Costume of Saint Patrick (left)

In some cases, a culture usually viewed as the target of cultural appropriation can be accused of appropriation, particularly after colonization and an extensive period re-organization of that culture under the nation-state system. For example, the government of Ghana has been accused of cultural appropriation in adopting the Caribbean Emancipation Day and marketing it to African American tourists as an "African festival".[130]

For some members of the South-Asian community, the wearing of a bindi dot as a decorative item, by a non-Hindu,[131] or by a woman who is not South Asian, is considered cultural appropriation.[9]

A common term among the Irish for someone who imitates or misrepresents Irish culture is Plastic Paddy.[132]

Celebrity controversies

Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found. In 2003, Prince Harry used Indigenous Australian art motifs in a painting for a school project. One Aboriginal group labelled it "misappropriation of our culture", claiming that to Aborigines, the motifs have symbolic meanings "indicative of our spiritualism", whereas when non-Aborigines use the motifs they are simply "painting a pretty picture".[133]

In the Victoria's Secret Fashion Show 2012, former Victoria's Secret model Karlie Kloss donned a Native American-style feathered headdress with leather bra and panties and high-heeled moccasins.[134] This was supposedly an example of cultural appropriation because the fashion show is showcasing the company's lingerie and image as a global fashion giant. The outfit was supposed to represent November, and thus "Thanksgiving", in the "Calendar Girls" segment. The outfit met with backlash and criticism as an appropriation of Native American culture and tradition. Victoria's Secret pulled it from the broadcast and apologized for its usage. Kloss also commented on the decision by tweeting "I am deeply sorry if what I wore during the VS Show offended anyone. I support VS's decision to remove the outfit from the broadcast."[135][136]

Avril Lavigne has been cited as appropriating Japanese culture in her song "Hello Kitty". The song and music video depict Asian women dressed up in matching outfits and Lavigne eating Asian food while dressed in a pink tutu.[137] Its depiction of Japanese culture was met with widespread criticism, which has included suggestions of racism. Lavigne responded by stating "I love Japanese culture and I spend half of my time in Japan. I flew to Tokyo to shoot this video ... specifically for my Japanese fans, with my Japanese label, Japanese choreographers and a Japanese director in Japan."[138] A lot of the feedback Lavigne received on Twitter was favorable, and those who blamed her for racism were non-Japanese.[139]

When Selena Gomez wore the Bindi during a performance, there was debate on her reasoning behind wearing the culture specific piece. Some viewed this as "casting her vote for Team India" but it was also viewed as misuse of the symbol as Selena was seen as not supporting or relating the Bindi to its origin of Hinduism, but furthering her own self-expression.[140] In 2014, Pharrell Williams posed in a Native American war bonnet on the cover of Elle UK magazine, after much controversy and media surrounding the photo Williams apologized.[141]

Actress Amandla Stenberg made a school-related video called "Don't Cash Crop on My Cornrows" about the use of black hairstyles and black culture by non-black people, questioning celebrities like Katy Perry and Iggy Azalea for using "black culture as a way of being edgy and gaining attention".[142] Stenberg later critiqued Kylie Jenner for embracing African-American aesthetic values without addressing the issues that affect the community.[143] The African-American hip hop artist Azealia Banks has also criticized Iggy Azalea "for failing to comment on 'black issues' despite capitalising on the appropriation of African American culture in her music."[144] Banks has called Azalea a "wigger" and there have been "accusations of racism against Azalea" focused on her "insensitivity to the complexities of race relations and cultural appropriation."[144]

Rachel Dolezal made headlines in 2015 when it was discovered that she was not African-American, as she had claimed.

Responses

In 2011, a group of students at Ohio University started a poster campaign denouncing the use of cultural stereotypes as costumes. The campaign features people of color alongside their respective stereotypes with slogans such as "This is not who I am and this is not okay."[145] The goal of the movement was to raise awareness around racism during Halloween in the university and the surrounding community, but the images also circulated online.[146]

"Reclaim the Bindi" has become a hashtag used by people of South Asian descent who wear traditional garb. #CoachellaShutdown has been used in conjunction with #ReclaimtheBindi in order to combat the use of the bindi at music festivals, most notably the Coachella Valley Music and Arts Festival.[147] Reclaim the Bindi Week seeks to promote the cultural significance of the bindi and combat its use as a fashion statement.[148]

In 2016, author Lionel Shriver gave a speech[149] at the Brisbane Writers Festival, asserting the right of authors to write from any point of view, including that of characters from cultural backgrounds other than their own – as writers "should be seeking to push beyond the constraining categories into which we have been arbitrarily dropped by birth. If we embrace narrow group-based identities too fiercely, we cling to the very cages in which others would seek to trap us." She also asserted the right of authors from a cultural majority to write in the voice of someone from a cultural minority, attacking the idea that this constitutes unethical "cultural appropriation". Referring to a case in which American college students were facing disciplinary action for wearing sombreros to a 'tequila party', she said "The moral of the sombrero scandals is clear: you're not supposed to try on other people's hats. Yet that's what we’re paid to do, isn't it? Step into other people's shoes, and try on their hats." During the speech, Australian social activist Yassmin Abdel-Magied walked out.[150] In a subsequent opinion piece published in The Guardian, Abdel-Magied called the speech "a poisoned package wrapped up in arrogance and delivered with condescension". She argued that "marginalised groups, even today, do not get the luxury of defining their own place in a norm that is profoundly white, straight and, often, patriarchal. And in demanding that the right to identity should be given up, Shriver epitomised the kind of attitude that led to the normalisation of imperialist, colonial rule: 'I want this, and therefore I shall take it.' The attitude drips of racial supremacy ..."[151]

See also

<templatestyles src="Div col/styles.css"/>

References

  1. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  2. Fourmile, Henrietta (1996) "Making things work: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Involvement in Bioregional Planning" in Approaches to bioregional planning. Part 2. Background Papers to the conference; 30 October – 1 November 1995, Melbourne; Department of the Environment, Sport and Territories. Canberra. pp. 268–269: "The [western] intellectual property rights system and the (mis)appropriation of Indigenous knowledge without the prior knowledge and consent of Indigenous peoples evoke feelings of anger, or being cheated"
  3. 3.0 3.1 Working Group on Indigenous Populations, accepted by the United Nations General Assembly, Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Archived June 26, 2015, at the Wayback Machine; UN Headquarters; New York City (13 September 2007).
  4. Rainforest Aboriginal Network (1993) Julayinbul: Aboriginal Intellectual and Cultural Property Definitions, Ownership and Strategies for Protection. Rainforest Aboriginal Network. Cairns. Page 65
  5. 5.0 5.1 Metcalfe, Jessica, "Native Americans know that cultural misappropriation is a land of darkness Archived May 11, 2016, at the Wayback Machine". For The Guardian. 18 May 2012. Accessed 24 Nov 2015.
  6. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  7. 7.0 7.1 7.2 Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found. On imitation Native headdresses as "the embodiment of cultural appropriation ... donning a highly sacred piece of Native culture like a fashion accessory."
  8. 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  9. 9.0 9.1 9.2 9.3 Sundaresh, Jaya (May 10, 2013) "Beyond Bindis: Why Cultural Appropriation Matters Archived May 4, 2016, at the Wayback Machine" for The Aerogram.
  10. 10.0 10.1 Mesteth, Wilmer, et al (June 10, 1993) "Declaration of War Against Exploiters of Lakota Spirituality Archived February 9, 2016, at the Wayback Machine." "At the Lakota Summit V, an international gathering of US and Canadian Lakota, Dakota and Nakota Nations, about 500 representatives from 40 different tribes and bands of the Lakota unanimously passed a "Declaration of War Against Exploiters of Lakota Spirituality." The following declaration was unanimously passed."
  11. 11.0 11.1 Taliman, Valerie (1993) "Article On The 'Lakota Declaration of War' Archived February 9, 2016, at the Wayback Machine."
  12. 12.0 12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 Keene, Adrienne (April 27, 2010) "But Why Can’t I Wear a Hipster Headdress? Archived May 13, 2016, at the Wayback Machine" at Native Appropriations – Examining Representations of Indigenous Peoples.
  13. 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 Johnson, Kjerstin (25 October 2011) "Don't Mess Up When You Dress Up: Cultural Appropriation and Costumes Archived June 29, 2015, at the Wayback Machine" at Bitch Magazine. Accessed 4 March 2015. 'Dressing up as "another culture", is racist, and an act of privilege. Not only does it lead to offensive, inaccurate, and stereotypical portrayals of other people's culture ... but is also an act of appropriation in which someone who does not experience that oppression is able to "play", temporarily, an "exotic" other, without experience any of the daily discriminations faced by other cultures.'
  14. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  15. 15.0 15.1 15.2 Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  16. 16.0 16.1 Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  17. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  18. Schneider, Arnd (2003) On ‘appropriation’. A critical reappraisal of the concept and its application in global art practices Archived March 3, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, published in Social Anthropology (2003), 11:2:215–229 Cambridge University Press
  19. Schneider, Arnd (2007) Appropriation as Practice. Art and Identity in Argentina pp. 24–5, 199 Palgrave Macmillan ISBN 978-1-4039-7314-6. review[permanent dead link]
  20. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  21. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  22. 22.0 22.1 Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  23. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  24. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  25. Ehrlich, Brenna (June 4, 2014) "Here’s Why You Shouldn’t Wear A Native American Headdress Archived November 17, 2016, at the Wayback Machine" for MTV News.
  26. Freda, Elizabeth (Jul. 28, 2014) "Music Festival Is Banning Cultural Appropriation, aka Hipsters Wearing Native American Headdresses Archived May 7, 2016, at the Wayback Machine" for EOnline.
  27. Zimmerman, Amy (June 4, 2014) "Pharrell, Harry Styles, and Native American Appropriation Archived April 9, 2016, at the Wayback Machine" for The Daily Beast.
  28. James, Marianne. "Art Crime." Archived January 11, 2016, at the Wayback Machine Trends and Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice, No. 170. Australian Institute of Criminology. October 2000. Retrieved January 3, 2010.
  29. "The Aboriginal Arts 'fake' controversy." Archived April 20, 2012, at the Wayback Machine European Network for Indigenous Australian Rights. July 29, 2000. Retrieved January 3, 2010.
  30. "Aboriginal art under fraud threat." Archived April 11, 2016, at the Wayback Machine BBC News. November 28, 2003. Retrieved January 3, 2010.
  31. Ousterhout, Robert. "Ethnic Identity and Cultural Appropriation in Early Ottoman Architecture." Archived June 13, 2006, at the Wayback Machine Muqarnas Volume XII: An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture. Leiden: E.J. Brill. 1995. Retrieved January 3, 2010.
  32. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  33. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  34. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  35. Hocker, Lindsay. "Sweat lodge incident 'not our Indian way'"[permanent dead link], Quad-Cities Online, 14 October 2009.
  36. Wernitznig, Dagmar, Europe's Indians, Indians in Europe: European Perceptions and Appropriations of Native American Cultures from Pocahontas to the Present. University Press of America, 2007: p.132. "What happens further in the Plastic Shaman's [fictitious] story is highly irritating from a perspective of cultural hegemony. The Injun elder does not only willingly share their spirituality with the white intruder but, in fact, must come to the conclusion that this intruder is as good an Indian as they are themselves. Regarding Indian spirituality, the Plastic Shaman even out-Indians the actual ones. The messianic element, which Plastic Shamanism financially draws on, is installed in the Yoda-like elder themselves. They are the ones – while melodramatically parting from their spiritual offshoot – who urge the Plastic Shaman to share their gift with the rest of the world. Thus Plastic Shamans wipe their hands clean of any megalomaniac or missionizing undertones. Licensed by the authority of an Indian elder, they now have every right to spread their wisdom, and if they make (quite more than) a buck with it, then so be it.—The neocolonial ideology attached to this scenario leaves less room for cynicism."
  37. Estes, Nick; et al "Protect He Sapa, Stop Cultural Exploitation Archived March 3, 2016, at the Wayback Machine" at Indian Country Today Media Network. 14 July 2015. Accessed 24 Nov 2015
  38. Is cultural appropriation offensive?
  39. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  40. 41.0 41.1 (Pham, 2014.)
  41. Fashion in the reign of Louis XIV
  42. Eastern Europe
  43. Clothing a history
  44. Banks; de la Chapelle 2007: pp. 106–108.
  45. What real cowboys wore
  46. Highland fling
  47. Japan times
  48. Idiot's guide to cigars
  49. Kimono
  50. Teddy girl wearing coolie hat
  51. The cowboy
  52. Is cultural appropriation the bogeyman it's made out to be?
  53. Lionel Shriver
  54. Bolivian Americans
  55. Irish country hat in America
  56. A brief history of tweed
  57. Youth subculture
  58. Western shirts
  59. Blue jeans and culture
  60. Ritual imports
  61. The Western shirt
  62. Geography of Frontier clothing
  63. B is for Bauhaus
  64. Charles' feud with Kate and Will
  65. Last Keffiyeh factory in Palestine
  66. Arab America
  67. Keffiyeh makers turn to social media
  68. Original Palestinian Keffiyeh
  69. Keffiyehs: Solidarity or cultural appropriation?
  70. Topshop keffiyeh playsuit
  71. (AP,2012)
  72. (This is a link to the photo of Karlie Kloss wearing a Native American headdress during the Victoria's Secret Fashion show.)
  73. The thin line between appreciation and appropriation
  74. (O'neil, 2014.)
  75. Sonny Rollins
  76. Stretched earlobes
  77. Shanina Shaik
  78. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  79. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  80. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  81. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  82. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  83. 84.0 84.1 Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  84. 85.0 85.1 85.2 Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  85. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  86. Bernstein, Nell: Signs of Life in the USA: Readings on Popular Culture for Writers, 5th ed. 607
  87. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  88. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  89. New word order
  90. Wiggers, wankstas and wannabes
  91. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  92. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  93. 94.0 94.1 Hank Stuever, "'Blacking Up' documentary questions white enthusiasts of black hip-hop culture", The Washington Post, 30 January 2010
  94. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  95. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  96. Cultural appropriation of Japanese tattoos, 2008
  97. Tattoos and cultural appropriation
  98. When Asian tattoos don't turn out as planned
  99. 100.0 100.1 100.2 Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  100. 101.0 101.1 101.2 101.3 Escobar, Samantha (17 October 2014) "13 Racist College Parties That Prove Dear White People Isn’t Exaggerating At All Archived May 18, 2016, at the Wayback Machine" at The Gloss. Accessed 4 March 2015
  101. Keene, Adrienne (October 26, 2011) "Open Letter to the PocaHotties and Indian Warriors this Halloween Archived November 5, 2016, at the Wayback Machine" at Native Appropriations – Examining Representations of Indigenous Peoples. Accessed 4 March 2015
  102. For the "darky"/"coon" distinction see, for example, note 34 on p. 167 of Edward Marx and Laura E. Franey's annotated edition of Yone Noguchi, The American Diary of a Japanese Girl, Temple University Press, 2007, ISBN 1-59213-555-2. See also Lewis A. Erenberg (1984), Steppin' Out: New York Nightlife and the Transformation of American Culture, 1890–1930, University of Chicago Press, p. 73, ISBN 0-226-21515-6. For more on the "darky" stereotype, see J. Ronald Green (2000), Straight Lick: The Cinema of Oscar Micheaux, Indiana University Press, pp. 134, 206, ISBN 0-253-33753-4; p. 151 of the same work also alludes to the specific "coon" archetype.
  103. William J. Mahar, Behind the Burnt Cork Mask: Early Blackface Minstrelsy and Antebellum American Popular Culture, University of Illinois Press (1998), p. 9, ISBN 0-252-06696-0.
  104. Frank W. Sweet, A History of the Minstrel Show Archived December 29, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, Backintyme (2000), p. 25, ISBN 0-939479-21-4
  105. Lott, Eric. "Blackface and Blackness: The Minstrel Show in American Culture", in Annemarie Bean, James V. Hatch, and Brooks McNamara (eds), Inside the minstrel mask: readings in nineteenth-century blackface minstrelsy, pp. 5-6.
  106. Lott 1993, pp. 43
  107. 108.0 108.1 Watkins 1999, p. 82
  108. Inside the minstrel mask: Readings in nineteenth-century blackface minstrelsy by Bean, Annemarie, James V. Hatch, and Brooks McNamara. 1996. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press.
  109. Jason Rodriquez, "Color-Blind Ideology and the Cultural Appropriation of Hip-Hop", Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, Vol. 35, No. 6, 645–68 (2006).
  110. Darktown Strutters. – book reviews by Eric Lott, African American Review, Spring 1997.
  111. Tokyo blackface
  112. B stylers in Japan
  113. Racist Japanese fashion
  114. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  115. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  116. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  117. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  118. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  119. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  120. 121.0 121.1 121.2 121.3 121.4 Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  121. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  122. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  123. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  124. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  125. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  126. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  127. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  128. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  129. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  130. Tripathi, Salil. "Hindus and Kubrick." Archived March 3, 2016, at the Wayback Machine The New Statesman. 20 September 1999. Retrieved 23 November 2006.
  131. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  132. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  133. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  134. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  135. http://people.com/style/karlie-kloss-geisha-yellowface-for-vogue-apology/
  136. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  137. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  138. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  139. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  140. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  141. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  142. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  143. 144.0 144.1 Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  144. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  145. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  146. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  147. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  148. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  149. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  150. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  • Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.

External links